{"id":1352,"date":"2022-02-24T18:10:33","date_gmt":"2022-02-24T17:10:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/?p=1352"},"modified":"2025-08-13T11:33:14","modified_gmt":"2025-08-13T09:33:14","slug":"vodka-beer-papirosy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/vodka-beer-papirosy\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cVodka, Beer, Papirosy\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

Eastern European Working\u2010class Cultures Mimicry in\u00a0Contemporary\u00a0Hardbass<\/h2>\n

Ond\u0159ej Daniel<\/em> \"orcid\"<\/a><\/h3>\n

Abstract:<\/b> In this chapter, I discuss the contemporary developments of hardbass, a predominantly Eastern European electronic dance music style that emerged at the turn of the first decade of the twenty\u2010first century in Russia and spread to different countries of the region and beyond. Specifically, I focus on de\u2010politicized and commodified hardbass in relation to social class and the mutations it underwent in late postsocialism in Eastern Europe, while paying particular attention to contexts of the Czech Republic and Russia. In terms of transnational circulation, I approach hardbass as an element of cultural transfer. The resulting study is based on a multi\u2010site research project focusing beyond Eastern Europe on the specific relationship of hardbass to the Netherlands. I interpret contemporary hardbass music videos in line with mocking colonization by the \u201cnormcore\u201d strategies of the \u201cmiddle class\u201d hipster youth possessing cultural and to certain extent also social and economic capital.<\/p>\n

<\/span>How to cite<\/span><\/h4>

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Daniel, Ondrej. 2021. \u201c\u2018Vodka, Beer, Papirosy\u2019: Eastern European Working-Class Cultures Mimicry in Contemporary Hardbass.\u201d In Music and Democracy. Participatory Approaches<\/i>, edited by Marko K\u00f6lbl and Fritz Tr\u00fcmpi. mdwPress \/ transcript Verlag. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.14361\/9783839456576-007. Cite<\/a> <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n\n\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n
Chapter PDF<\/a><\/span><\/div>
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<\/span>About the author<\/span><\/h4>

<\/span>About the author<\/span><\/h4>

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Ond\u0159ej Daniel<\/b> earned his Ph.D. from the Institute of World History of the Faculty of Arts at Charles University with a specialization in postsocialism, nationalism, migration, and popular culture. He is a founding member of the Centre for Study of Popular Culture and is currently based at the Seminar of General and Comparative History, Department of Global History, at the Charles University Faculty of Arts in Prague.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>

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<\/span>Funding acknowledgment<\/span><\/h4>

<\/span>Funding acknowledgment<\/span><\/h4>

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This study is a result of the research funded by the Czech Science Foundation as the project GA \u010cR P410\/20-24091S \u201cBrave New World: Youth, Music and Class in Czech Post\u2010socialism.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>

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<\/span>Outline<\/span><\/h4>

<\/span>Outline<\/span><\/h4>

\nI.<\/a>
\nII.<\/a>
\nIII.<\/a>
\nIV.<\/a>
\nV.<\/a>
\nVI.<\/a>
\nReferences<\/a><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>

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On a late summer day in 2016, the Prague central city square of V\u00e1clavsk\u00e9 n\u00e1m\u011bst\u00ed witnessed a rather peculiar meeting. The otherwise commercial and touristy center of the Czech capital became a stage for several dozens of young people, dressed mostly in Adidas tracksuits. Despite the warm afternoon, some of them wore furry hats. Many of these youngsters were squatting on their feet, some were drinking water from vodka bottles, and the others drank beer and maybe even proper vodka. Several packets of sunflower seeds were brought by the mostly local Czech youngsters from one of the many Russian food markets. Some of them were reproducing jump\u2010up electronic rhythms and taking selfies and pictures of others with the help of their smartphones. This carnivalesque flash mob was organized by the Czech Facebook page Squatting Slavs in Tracksuits<\/i> and gathered young people who found their (guilty?) pleasure in the music and dance called hardbass.<\/p>\n

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<\/a>I.<\/a><\/h4>\n

<\/a>In this chapter, I discuss the recent developments in hardbass, a predominantly Eastern European electronic dance music (EDM) style that emerged at the turn of the first decade of the twenty\u2010first century in Russia and spread to different countries in the region and beyond. These developments can be understood as part of a three\u2010stage process in which each phase had a different tone and message: the first phase was satirical, the second was about far\u2010right politics, while contemporary hardbass is increasingly commodified and seemingly de\u2010politicized. The second phase overlapped with the rise of various social movements in the early 2010s and the then\u2010relatively new deployment of Internet memes and viral videos by far\u2010right groups. The masked dancing to hardbass can also be viewed as an East\u2010to-West cultural transfer.<\/span>1<\/sup><\/a><\/span> My inquiry focuses on hardbass production during the second half of the 2010s and its ties to social class and class mutations in late postsocialist Eastern Europe, with particular attention to the Czech Republic and Russia.<\/span>2<\/sup><\/a><\/span> I gathered the empirical material for this study in the period between spring 2018 and spring 2020. As part of my research, I followed the YouTube channels and Soundcloud, Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter accounts of several hardbass and related EDM musicians, collectives, and labels such as DJ Blyatman, Blyatsquad, Gopnik McBlyat, Life of Boris, Russian Jump Up Mafia, the Russian Village Boys, the Squatting Slavs in Tracksuits, and Tri poloski. Most of these are semi\u2010professionals and a typical contemporary hardbass product is a music video or a DJ set, which differs substantially from the do\u2010it-yourself (DIY) home video spirit of earlier hardbass.<\/span><\/p>\n

I was finishing the first manuscript of this study in late March 2020 during the COVID-19 lockdown, at a time when masks were no longer so shocking but dancing in public was forbidden. Due to the cancellation of many hardbass events in the context of the \u201cstay home\u201d policies of late winter and early spring 2020, it was unfortunately not possible to complement the online research with participant observation as was initially planned. I have therefore tried to integrate some other qualitative material, such as online interviews and comments, to at least partly replace this lack. At the same time, it was also an enriching perspective to approach the topic differently, since many hardbass protagonists reacted to the lockdown with an even more massive posting of videos and memes. On the contrary, no home videos of hardbass performances reminiscent of earlier forms were published by the end of March 2020.<\/p>\n

Given the transnational character of its cultural references, it is also tempting to approach hardbass through the lens of the travelling concepts theory. I have argued that the far\u2010right leaning version of the genre was in early 2010s a rare example of East\u2010to-West cultural transfer. In reference to the important monograph, \u201cLooking West,\u201d<\/span>3<\/sup><\/a><\/span> would it make sense to rethink hardbass as a herald of \u201cNo More Looking West\u201d? Could one speak of reverse of from \u201cCulturedness\u2010to-Westerness\u201d<\/span>4<\/sup><\/a><\/span> trajectory? Even if the references to post-Soviet culture and society are central to the joyously uncultured contemporary hardbass, the replies to these questions will most likely need to remain negative and it is more adequate to conceive of it in the terms of transnational circulation. The resulting study is thus based on a multi\u2010site research project focusing beyond Eastern Europe on the specific relationship of hardbass to the Netherlands.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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<\/a>II.<\/a><\/h4>\n

It has been argued that the period that has been not\u2010unproblematically labeled postsocialism has already become history.5<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Historian Philipp Ther has proposed interpreting the postsocialist change with regard to the simultaneous mutations of the West.6<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Also, in the last decade, new interpretations are no longer proposed by scholars predominantly coming from the former West, as was the case at least until the mid-2000s. Urban sociologists Liviu Chelcea and Oana Druta argued that the actors of the neoliberal transition in Eastern Europe thoughtfully used the specter of socialism in order to silence the opposition and push forward anti\u2010socialist policies.7<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Even if this statement might be too strong for all the countries of the region, with a generational distance from the changes of 1989\u201390, such postsocialist legitimization strategies have gradually eroded. Art critique Marta Dzieva\u0144ska has called for a revision of the post-Soviet paradigm since the early 2010s.8<\/sup><\/a><\/span> For her and her colleagues, the quest in the aftermath of the post-2008 crisis and the establishment of new populist and authoritarian regimes was to analyze the situation that followed the often problematic and painful neoliberal transitions with new settings of legitimacy and power. This was particularly pertinent for Russia but also for other Eastern European countries, many of which have joined the European Union since the mid-2000s.<\/p>\n

Beyond the reference to the socioeconomic and political context of contemporary Eastern Europe, any attempt to treat hardbass should also take into account research on local youth.9<\/sup><\/a><\/span> At least since the mid-1990s, it has been argued that the body of knowledge produced by subcultural studies does not fully mirror the reality of contemporary lifestyle and consumption\u2010based communities in the global core or in postsocialist Europe.10<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Lately, the radicalism of such a post\u2010subcultural approach has been partially revised.11<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Produced in the early 2010s, political hardbass may have overlapped with the agendas of far\u2010right youth movements in their quest for modernization through the appropriation of different subcultural practices, among which hardbass might be seen alongside football hooliganism, hip hop, graffiti, or skateboarding as one of many. The subcultural dimension of contemporary hardbass should nevertheless be considered in a more nuanced way. In the attempt to problematize the subcultural paradigm, one could try to follow theory of \u201cgrey zones\u201d as sketched for the Eastern European context by Alexei Yurchak12<\/sup><\/a><\/span> as well as more recently by the collective of authors led by Ida Harboe Knudsen and Martin Demant Frederiksen.13<\/sup><\/a><\/span> It may be tempting to depict hardbass musicians and fans as not predominantly possessing rigid and die\u2010hard identities. But even playful irony as well as nonsense \u201ceastploitation\u201d aesthetics, both essential qualities of hardbass, have important dimensions of social class.<\/p>\n

The issue of class in postsocialism, particularly in relation to popular culture, is not a novel research topic. Scholars have already focused attention on the \u201cnew rich\u201d and in particular \u201cnew Russians,\u201d economic elites who fully profited off of the period during and after the fall of state socialism.14<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Incomparably less has been written about the \u201cmiddle classes,\u201d which in the 1990s were often conceived as a stabilizing factor for local \u201cnew democracies.\u201d15<\/sup><\/a><\/span> An overview of the local debates about class is presented by Jan Drahokoupil for the case of the Czech Republic in a special issue edited by David Ost, who has also discussed a particular set of approaches to class in the postsocialist Polish academia.16<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Relatively new research tools focusing on the intersection of culture and class have been presented by Dra\u017een Cepi\u0107 discussing the case of Croatia.17<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Lifestyle, consumption and \u201cculture\u201d have often been distinct markers of the \u201cmiddle classes.\u201d18<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Stephen Crowley, while presenting his account of the more self\u2010confident \u201cmiddle classes\u201d in early 2010s Russia, took vital examples of popular beliefs of class relations and struggles from popular culture, in particular from movies.19<\/sup><\/a><\/span> My own research considers popular music as a distinct social class marker, following in the footsteps of Pierre Bourdieu and his notions of cultural and social capital fueling these \u201cdistinctions.\u201d20<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Consumption and lifestyle can thus be considered as strategies of increasing these forms of capital. Ben Malbon presented a Bourdieu\u2010based concept of \u201ccoolness\u201d when treating the EDM \u201cclub cultures.\u201d21<\/sup><\/a><\/span> So did the already mentioned Maria Cristache22<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and Judit Bodn\u00e1r,23<\/sup><\/a><\/span> when writing about home decoration as reflections of the shifting class structures in postsocialist Romania and Hungary, respectively. The account of contemporary hardbass at hand aims to merge these scattered debates in discussing a particular social practice mirroring the concepts of youth and class.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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<\/a>III.<\/a><\/h4>\n

In analyzing hardbass as a phenomenon linked with a particular social class, I feel the need to recall the history of the Saint Petersburg rave scene that flourished in the early 1990s due to the relative openness of the late perestroika period and the following decade of changes.24<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Simultaneously, in the Czech Republic, contact with the United Kingdom\u2019s \u201cfreetechno\u201d scene was enabled since 1994 through British sound systems exiled in Berlin and profiting off of the Czech Republic\u2019s liberal legislation and the unpreparedness of the state security apparatus for the issues that \u201cfreeparties\u201d increasingly meant.25<\/sup><\/a><\/span> In the first case, the rave parties were frequented in particular by the university students as well as other parts of the late Soviet intelligentsia. In the second case, \u201cfreeparties\u201d were also initially a pastime reserved to the students and other youngsters with ties to the local elites, but they gradually turned into a more trans\u2010class phenomenon.<\/p>\n

But the UK rave scene, often understood as a side\u2010product of Thatcher\u00adism26<\/sup><\/a><\/span> with its individualism, psychedelic drugs, and corresponding mystical reveries of \u201ctemporary autonomous zones,\u201d27<\/sup><\/a><\/span> was neither a unique nor the most important historical predecessor of hardbass. A more direct link can be seen in an already distorted version of rave: a Dutch hardcore techno genre called gabber.28<\/sup><\/a><\/span> In a mid-1990s documentary about gabber,29<\/sup><\/a><\/span> the drugs were also an important reference, but it was not always the same ones as the MDMA-fueled \u201csecond summer of love\u201d UK rave scene. Instead, leaning towards the psychedelic trance, a more aggressive and faster rhythms, together with synthetic drugs such as \u201cspeed\u201d and an overall dystopic atmosphere fed the seemingly chaotic jump\u2010up hakken<\/i> dancers. Since the early 2010s, hardbass was not alone in the re\u2010appropriation of the long\u2010time d\u00e9mod\u00e9 gabber. In Poland, Italy, France, and Indonesia, artists and collectives such as Wixapol, Gabber Eleganza, Casual Gabberz, and Gabber Modus Operandi reinvented the gabber influences simultaneously.30<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Similarly to the first ravers, gabbers were also recruited in the football terraces and many of them shaved their heads. An important reference common to gabber and hardbass is also the link to the far right. One of the skinheads in the documentary greets other visitors of a Dutch gabber party with a Nazi salute,31<\/sup><\/a><\/span> a reference that will be often evoked some seventeen years later when referring to political hardbass. Another common link for gabber and hardbass will also be the shirtless male bodies and sportswear. In the Dutch case, hakken<\/i> dancers were predominantly skinny, while the Eastern European hardbass bodies often foregrounded their carefully built physiques and hardbass verbally rejected drugs.<\/p>\n

Exaggerated masculinity is one of the key ingredients of hardbass. In contrast to \u201cfreetechno\u201d and similarly to gabber, it is a predominantly male enterprise. Some similarities can also be found with male\u2010dominated spaces in heavy metal concerts, where Jonathan Gruzelier has analyzed the homosociality of moshpits, places that are reserved for hardcore dancers.32<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Interestingly, some of the hardbass performers, such as Gopnik McBlyat, also express their sympathies to metal and hardcore punk.33<\/sup><\/a><\/span> It would surely be tempting to approach hardbass in light of the theory of hegemonic masculinity. The re\u2010traditionalization of gender roles after the fall of state socialism34<\/sup><\/a><\/span> as well as some openly homophobic, sexist,35<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and even misogynist36<\/sup><\/a><\/span> references in its lyrics, could be of importance for such an approach.<\/p>\n

On the contrary, the parodic dimension of hardbass, particularly that of d\u00e9tournement of the street (gopnik) culture of lower\u2010income social classes, is a key to the puzzle. Certain specific body techniques, such as squatting, refer to Eastern European street culture37<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and make hardbass undoubtedly part of this reservoir of playful performance. Some similarities in the importance of shock can also be found with horrorcore hip hop;38<\/sup><\/a><\/span> others may derive from chernukha<\/i>, a typically perestroika and post-Soviet exploitation genre of cinematography.39<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Such references can also be linked with the aestheticization and de\u2010politicization of earlier hardbass. Images of violent groups teasing other travelers in a post-Soviet metro train,40<\/sup><\/a><\/span> or a general propagation of hate,41<\/sup><\/a><\/span> may come from this aesthetic reservoir. However, hardbass is much more eclectic and beyond the influences discussed above, one can also identify inspirations from trap music,42<\/sup><\/a><\/span> darkwave,43<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Russian popsa<\/i> and estrada<\/i>,44<\/sup><\/a><\/span> as well as from predominantly Dutch happy hardcore rave and continent\u2010wide Eurodance.45<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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<\/a>IV.<\/a><\/h4>\n

The modernist approach that defined the social class through its production has been distinguished, at least since the global 1960s, by the placement of consumption at the center of understanding social relations.46<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Building upon this argument, I propose to conceive contemporary hardbass through its mocking of the consumption of lower\u2010income social classes. I also propose an interpretation that this rhetorical operation may result from the unachieved ambitions of the Eastern European \u201cmiddle classes\u201d themselves. This interpretation relates to the strategy of global millennials re\u2010appropriating forgotten lifestyles through so\u2010called \u201cnormcore.\u201d47<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Simon Reynolds, in his Retromania, conceived such a hipster \u201cback\u2010to-the\u2010future spirit\u201d48<\/sup><\/a><\/span> in terms of a quasi\u2010bohemia present \u201cin any city in the developed world that is large and affluent enough to support a decent\u2010sized upper middle class.\u201d49<\/sup><\/a><\/span> \u201cNormsters,\u201d as a particular hipster practice, mockingly colonize the particular music and fashion of older generations.<\/p>\n

Olga Gurova recently underlined the importance of fashion in the contemporary Russian political debate framed through lifestyle.50<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The key reference in relation to the ready\u2010to-wear brands fetishized by almost all contemporary hardbass protagonists is Adidas. Its \u201cthree stripes\u201d (tri poloski<\/i>) have been the subject of many postsocialist jokes and the importance of the brand in the popular imagination must not be underestimated.51<\/sup><\/a><\/span> In hardbass, the centrality of the reference to Adidas may also be due to the recurring rhyme of the words \u201chardbass\u201d and \u201cAdidas\u201d in many of the genre\u2019s rather rudimentary lyrics. Beyond fashion and Adidas, alcohol and in particular vodka is often referred to. This may be a strategy of (self-)exoticization when communicating with the wider non-Eastern European audience, but it may also function well when communicating among insiders. \u201cVodka, beer, papirosy<\/i>,\u201d referring to Russian unfiltered cigarettes, in the words of one hardbass lyric, could thus read as a rather ironic \u201cnormster\u201d substitution for one\u2019s own unachieved ambitions of \u201cHennessy, champagne, and cigars.\u201d<\/p>\n

Besides alcohol and fashion, one of the most important references hardbass shares with other EDM and hip hop genres relates to cars. In some of the music videos, we can see hardbass artists driving Mercedes, BMWs, or even Bentleys, but the most referenced and depicted autos are different models of the Soviet and Russian working\u2010class vehicle Lada, which are often refurbished and modified. Most of the vehicles depicted in Russian hardbass music videos have Saint Petersburg or Moscow license plates. Apart from such indirect references to the \u201ctwo Russian capitals\u201d (and an open one to Amsterdam, as we will see later), other direct geographical references are quite rare in these music videos. What is, on the contrary, not missing is the depiction of different and anonymous working\u2010class neighborhoods, housing estates, and courtyards, often in very desolate states. Khrushchyovki, as most of these estates are often labelled in the post-Soviet space, were recently brought into the public debate in particular conjunction with the \u201ctop\u2010down\u201d gentrification attempts in Moscow.52<\/sup><\/a><\/span> References to such neighborhoods in hardbass music videos should be understood in line with a strategy of mocking the colonization of these spaces by the \u201cnormcore,\u201d \u201cmiddle\u2010class\u201d youth.<\/p>\n

Similarly, the dilapidated workplaces, such as vast factory halls that constitute the environment for many of these music videos, are all but places where the hardbass protagonists and their audience earn their living. Moreover, the depiction of abandoned infrastructure, such the \u201cno man\u2019s land\u201d under bridges, but also deserted streets and roads as well as the desolate public transport where some of these music videos take place, can be seen as an appropriation of the \u201chorrorcore\u201d aesthetics discussed above. While the hardbass far\u2010right football hooligans and activists merrily posed with baseball bats, fighting chains, and iron bars under such concrete structures alongside graffiti of Celtic crosses and \u201cAnti-Antifa\u201d inscriptions in order to frighten their enemies, contemporary hardbass music videos use such surroundings ironically in an attempt to colonize what they perceive as an authentic culture of the lower\u2010income social classes. The problematic dimensions of such seemingly ironically de\u2010politicized approaches to whiteness is something that has been discussed since the beginning of the scholarly debate about hipsters.53<\/sup><\/a><\/span> What is relatively new for hardbass is a dimension of dystopia, with its links to the hedonist and nihilist, synthetic\u2010drug-fueled gabber.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

<\/a>V.<\/a><\/h4>\n

The circle of gabber\/hardbass is closed by explicit reference to the Dutch model not only in music but also in visuals, such as Dutch flags worn on the jean jackets of the Russian Village Boys in several of their music videos.54<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The touristy slogan \u201cWelcome to Netherlands\u201d in one of these music videos also reveals an important dimension of social class, linking contemporary hardbass with those Eastern Europeans affluent enough to travel for pleasure to Western Europe. The feeling of generational dependence on the distribution of wealth is reinforced, however, in one of these music videos by the staged home call (in English) of one of the protagonists, during which his mother advises him by phone to be careful. But the Russian-Dutch trajectory in hardbass should not be seen as a unique vector. To a certain extent, it is also possible to observe \u201cthe message delivered back.\u201d The professional promoter Tri poloski (\u201cthree stripes,\u201d referring to Adidas) is based in the Netherlands and acts as a \u201cleading agency for Hardbass artists,\u201d55<\/sup><\/a><\/span> organizing successful and widely visited hardbass parties in the country as well as in neighboring Flanders, according to the audio\u2010visual material presented on the website. At the same time, many East-East collaborations flourish in contemporary hardbass, such as with Mr. Polska in the case of the Russian Village Boys.<\/p>\n

Key elements of contemporary hardbass refer to (self-)exoticization strategies, which have long been analyzed in Eastern European and in particular Southeastern European cinema by Dina Iordanova,56<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Tomislav Longinovi\u0107,57<\/sup><\/a><\/span> or more recently by Andrea Mato\u0161evi\u0107.58<\/sup><\/a><\/span> At this point, it may be particularly fruitful to divert attention to hardbass fans in the Czech Republic, where the fragmented identities deriving from the dominant Czech culture, based on its constant negotiation of allegiance to the West, result in mockingly joyous orientalism of Life of Boris59<\/sup><\/a><\/span> or Squatting Slavs in Tracksuits.60<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Most of the memes posted by these two online projects would be considered xenophobic (and particularly Russophobic) if they had resulted directly from a canon of Czech majority culture. Their central point is the ironic foregrounding of the \u201cunculturedness\u201d of Eastern European societies, and examples from the Czech Republic itself are extremely rarely displayed. Instead, a stereotypical meme of Squatting Slavs in Tracksuits could be the body of a Dacia car pulled by horses, i.e., something that would be considered \u201cfrom the outside\u201d to be just as humorous as a fan of Sasha Baron Cohen\u2019s Borat or the French early 2000s humoristic music project, Bratisla Boys.<\/p>\n

Given the overall aesthetics of contemporary hardbass, these Czech social media projects mimic the Russian and other Eastern European\u2010based collectives that communicate their class\u2010based \u201cinternal orientalism.\u201d61<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The East is conceived as somewhere else by the Czech hardbass fans. If it is not somewhere else, it is somebody else who is its bearer, whom Russian and other Eastern European hardbass mimics. Hardbass Czech social media projects at the same time reinforce the aforementioned xenophobic feelings. Beyond their ideological framing of anti-Communism and anti-Russian imperialism, these are often fueled by feelings of endangerment on the part of the Czech urban \u201cmiddle classes\u201d vis-\u00e0-vis the capital of Russia\u2019s \u201cmiddle classes,\u201d particularly in the real estate sector.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

<\/a>VI.<\/a><\/h4>\n

Hardbass partly derives from diasporic and global identities. It was argued that emigration from Eastern Europe is particularly pertinent for young people from the \u201cmiddle classes\u201d<\/span>62<\/sup><\/a><\/span> who overlap with the population cohort that forms contemporary hardbass fandom. It is a task for the further research to identify the proportion of hardbass fans and performers from Russian and other Eastern European origins in the Netherlands and possibly also in the Czech Republic. Presumably, this is an important but possibly not a central point for explaining hardbass class relations. A lead could also be found in a recurring English\u2010language comment that has been posted under several YouTube hardbass video clips, which runs along the lines of \u201c[that] looks like my babushka\u2019s place.\u201d The comparison may refer to the villages of traditional Russian wooden houses or the shabby city intersections with their chaotic mix of street signs and advertising, including homemade posters. Contemporary hardbass\u2019s mix and switch between English and predominantly Russian and other Eastern European languages has two key consequences: first, the target audience masters the different languages and is drawn from both the East and the West. Second, the mastery of English, albeit an often deliberately broken and heavily accented version, is a sign of social status and a hallmark of young \u201cmiddle\u2010class\u201d fans.<\/span><\/p>\n

This analysis of the social complexities that surround contemporary hardbass is refined through a focus on class relations and conflicts. Hardbass\u2019s predominantly male fans and song protagonists ironically mimic the cultures of the lower\u2010income social strata in their home countries (predominantly \u201cworking class\u201d but also \u201clumpenproletariat\u201d gopnik cultures) while reinforcing their own positions within the privileged \u201cmiddle class.\u201d While they may lack economic capital in relative comparison to their \u201cmiddle\u2010class\u201d parents, contemporary hardbass fans and protagonists do have cultural and to some extent also social capital. Their exaggerated \u201cSlavic unculturedness\u201d should be understood as (self-)exoticizing marketing that brings a certain regional specificity to the arena of global EDM club cultures.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

Endnotes<\/h4>\n

1\u00a0<\/a>Please see a basic Google map here: https:\/\/bit.ly\/3uzBtoJ<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2\u00a0<\/a>In this chapter, I include under the geographical category of Eastern Europe also postsocialist countries that are otherwise (self-)declared as forming part of Central (Eastern) Europe. The debate about the symbolical geographies of Europe is seemingly endless and goes beyond the scope of this study; see for example Ovidiu \u0162ichindeleanu, \u201cWhere Are We, When We Think in Eastern Europe?\u201d in Art Always Has Its Consequences<\/i>, ed. Ivet \u0106urlin et al. (Zagreb: WHW, 2010), 85\u201392.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

3\u00a0<\/a>Hilary Anne Pilkington, Elena Omel\u2019chenko, Moya Flynn, and Uliana Bliudina, Looking West? Cultural Globalization and Russian Youth Cultures<\/i> (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4\u00a0<\/a>Maria Cristache, \u201cFrom \u2018Culturedness\u2019 to Westernness: Old and New Consumption Practices in Romanian Postsocialist Homes,\u201d in Proceedings of the History of Consumer Culture Conference 2017<\/i> (Tokyo: Gakushuin University, 2018).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

5\u00a0<\/a>Martin M\u00fcller, \u201cGoodbye, Postsocialism!,\u201d Europe-Asia Studies<\/i> 71, no. 4 (2019): 533\u201350, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/09668136.2019.1578337<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

6\u00a0<\/a>Philipp Ther, Die neue Ordnung auf dem alten Kontinent. Eine Geschichte des neoliberalen Europa<\/i> (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2014).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

7\u00a0<\/a>Liviu Chelcea and Oana Dru\u0163\u0103, \u201cZombie Socialism and the Rise of Neoliberalism in Post\u2010socialist Central and Eastern Europe,\u201d Eurasian Geography and Economics<\/i> 57, no. 4\u20135 (2016): 521\u201344, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/15387216.2016.1266273<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

8\u00a0<\/a>Marta Dziewa\u0144ska, Post\u2010post-Soviet? Art, Politics & Society in Russia at the Turn of the Decade<\/i> (Warsaw: Museum of Modern Art, 2013).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

9\u00a0<\/a>Matthias Schwartz and Heike Winkel, eds., Eastern European Youth Cultures in a Global Context<\/i> (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

10\u00a0<\/a> See for example Andy Bennett, \u201cThe post\u2010subcultural turn: some reflections 10 years on,\u201d Journal of Youth Studies<\/i> 14, no. 5 (2011): 493\u2013506, and Marta Kol\u00e1\u0159ov\u00e1, \u201cHudebn\u00ed subkultury ml\u00e1de\u017ee v sou\u010dasn\u00e9 \u010cR\u2014postsubkulturn\u00ed \u010di postsocialistick\u00e9?,\u201d in Popul\u00e1rn\u00ed kultura v \u010desk\u00e9m prostoru<\/i>, ed. Ond\u0159ej Daniel, Tom\u00e1\u0161 Kavka, and Jakub Machek (Prague: Karolinum, 2013), 232\u201348.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

11\u00a0<\/a>Sumi Hollingworth \u201cPerformances of Social Class, Race and Gender Through Youth Subculture: Putting Structure Back in to Youth Subcultural Studies,\u201d Journal of Youth Studies<\/i> 18, no. 10 (2015): 1237\u201356, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13676261.2015.1039968<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

12\u00a0<\/a>Alexei Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More. The Last Soviet Generation<\/i> (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

13\u00a0<\/a>Ida Harboe Knudsen and Martin Demant Frederiksen, Ethnographies of Grey Zones in Eastern Europe: Relations, Borders and Invisibilities<\/i> (London: Anthem, 2015).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

14\u00a0<\/a>For recent summing up of the debate, see Elisabeth Schimpf\u00f6ssl, Rich Russians: From Oligarchs to Bourgeoisie<\/i> (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

15\u00a0<\/a>See for example Harley Balzer, \u201cRussia\u2019s Middle Classes,\u201d Post-Soviet Affairs<\/i> 14, no. 2 (1998): 165\u201386.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

16\u00a0<\/a>Jan Drahokoupil, \u201cClass in Czechia: The Legacy of Stratification Research,\u201d East European Politics and Societies and Cultures<\/i> 29, no. 3 (2015): 577\u2013587, and David Ost, \u201cStuck in the Past and the Future: Class Analysis in Postcommunist Poland,\u201d East European Politics and Societies and Cultures<\/i> 29, no. 3 (2015): 610\u201324.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

17\u00a0<\/a>Dra\u017een Cepi\u0107, Class Cultures in Postsocialist Eastern Europe<\/i> (London: Routledge, 2019).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

18\u00a0<\/a>Simon Stewart, Culture and the Middle Classes<\/i> (Farnham: Routledge, 2016). When writing about the \u201cmiddle class\u201d in my own research, I use quotation marks. Similar to Marxist thinking about the \u201cbourgeoisie,\u201d \u201cmiddle classes\u201d are conceived as an unstable and transitory category, uneasy to describe in a scientific discourse. I therefore follow an emic perspective of the postsocialist Eastern European \u201cmiddle classes,\u201d mostly formed by a neoliberal paradigm and often by self\u2010glorification. On the contrary, I use the reference to lower\u2010income social classes which could be synonymous to Marxist thinking on the \u201cworking class\u201d and \u201clumpenproletariat\u201d without quotation marks. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

19\u00a0<\/a>Stephen Crowley, \u201cRussia: The Reemergence of Class in the Wake of the First \u201cClassless\u201d Society,\u201d East European Politics and Societies and Cultures<\/i> 29, no. 3 (2015): 698\u2013710.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

20\u00a0<\/a>Pierre Bourdieu, La Distinction. Critique sociale du jugement<\/i> (Paris: Minuit, 1979) and \u201cThe Forms of Capital,\u201d in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education<\/i>, ed. John Richardson (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1986), 241\u201358.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

21\u00a0<\/a>Ben Malbon, Clubbing: Dancing, Ecstasy and Vitality<\/i> (London: Routledge 1999.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

22\u00a0<\/a>Cristache, \u201cFrom \u2018Culturedness.\u2019\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

23\u00a0<\/a>Judit Bodn\u00e1r, \u201cBecoming Bourgeois. (Postsocialist) Utopias of Isolation and Civilization,\u201d in Evil Paradises. Dreamworlds of Neoliberalism<\/i>, ed. Michael Davis and Daniel Bertrand Monk (New York: New Press, 2009), 140\u201351.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

24\u00a0<\/a>\u0410\u043d\u0434\u0440\u0435\u0439 \u0412\u043b\u0430\u0434\u0438\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0438\u0447 X\u0430\u0430\u0441, \u041a\u043e\u0440\u043f\u043e\u0440\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f \u0441\u0447\u0430\u0441\u0442\u044c\u044f. \u0418\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0440\u0443\u0441\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u0435\u0439\u0432\u0430<\/i>. \u0421\u0430\u043d\u043a\u0442-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431y\u0440\u0433: \u0410\u043c\u0444\u043e\u0440\u0430, 2011 and \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0435\u0439 \u042e\u0440\u0447\u0430\u043a, \u201c\u041d\u043e\u0447\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0442\u0430\u043d\u0446\u044b \u0441 \u0430\u043d\u0433\u0435\u043b\u043e\u043c \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438. \u041a\u0440\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0435 \u043a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u0442\u0443\u0440\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u043f\u043e\u0441\u0442-\u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u043c\u0430.\u201d In \u041a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u0442\u0443\u0440\u0430\u043b\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f<\/i>, ed. \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0430\u043d\u0434\u0440\u0430 \u042d\u0442\u043a\u0438\u043d\u0434\u0430 (\u0421\u0430\u043d\u043a\u0442-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0443\u0440\u0433: \u0415\u0432\u0440\u043e\u043f\u0435\u0439\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0443\u043d\u0438\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u00ad\u0442\u0435\u0442, 2005).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

25\u00a0<\/a>Ond\u0159ej Sla\u010d\u00e1lek, \u201c\u010cesk\u00e9 freetekno\u2013pohybliv\u00e9 prostory autonomie?,\u201d in Revolta stylem: Hudebn\u00ed subkultury ml\u00e1de\u017ee v \u010cesk\u00e9 republice<\/i>, ed. Marta Kol\u00e1\u0159ov\u00e1 (Prague: Slon, 2011), 83\u2013122, and Roz\u00e1lie Kohoutov\u00e1, CzechTek<\/i>, Czech television documentary, 2017. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

26\u00a0<\/a>Andrew Hill, \u201cAcid House and Thatcherism: Contesting Spaces in Late 1980s Britain,\u201d Space and Polity<\/i> 7, no. 3 (2003): 219\u201332, and Henry John, \u201cUK Rave Culture and the Thatcherite Hegemony, 1988\u201394,\u201d Cultural History<\/i> 4, no. 2 (2015): 162\u201386.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

27\u00a0<\/a>Hakim Bey, T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone<\/i> (New York: Autonomedia, 1991).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

28\u00a0<\/a>Hillegonda C. Rietveld, \u201cGabber Overdrive\u2014Noise, Horror, and Acceleration,\u201d Turmoil\u2014CTM Magazine<\/i> (January 2018), https:\/\/openresearch.lsbu.ac.uk\/item\/869q7<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

29\u00a0<\/a>Ari Versluis, \u201cGabber,\u201d Lola da musica<\/i>, season 2, episode 5, aired November 13, 1995 (Vrijzinnig Protestantse Radio Omroep).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

30\u00a0<\/a>Joe Muggs, \u201cGift of the Gabber: The Return of Dance Music\u2019s Gloriously Tasteless Subgenre,\u201d Guardian<\/i>, January 10, 2020, https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/music\/2020\/jan\/10\/gift\u2010of-the\u2010gabber-the\u2010return-of\u2010dance-musics\u2010gloriously-tasteless\u2010subgenre<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

31\u00a0<\/a>Versluis, \u201cGabber.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

32\u00a0<\/a>Jonathan Gruzelier, \u201cMoshpit Menace and Masculine Mayhem,\u201d in Oh Boy! Making Masculinity in Popular Music<\/i>, ed. Ian Biddle and Freya Jarman-Ivens (London: Routledge, 2007), 59\u201376.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

33\u00a0<\/a>Tri poloski, Interview with GOPNIK MCBLYAT, posted March 8, 2020, https:\/\/tri\u2010poloski.com\/media<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

34\u00a0<\/a>Aleksandar \u0160tulhofer and Theo Sandfort, Sexuality and Gender in Postcommunist Eastern Europe and Russia<\/i> (New York: Haworth Press, 2006).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

35\u00a0<\/a>To quote one of the many, it seems sufficient to find a correct translation of the Russian word blyat<\/i> used by many of the contemporary hardbass protagonists even as a nickname.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

36\u00a0<\/a>CMH x GSPD x RUSSIAN VILLAGE BOYS \u201cANTI GIRL,\u201d posted October 20, 2019, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ntxihekLfuM<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

37\u00a0<\/a>Asta Vonderau, Leben im \u201cneuen Europa\u201d Konsum, Lebensstile und K\u00f6rpertechniken im Postsozialismus<\/i> (Bielefeld: transcript, 2010).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

38\u00a0<\/a>Mikko O. Koivisto, \u201c\u2018I Know You Think I\u2019m Crazy\u2019: Post-Horrorcore Rap Approaches to Disability, Violence, and Psychotherapy,\u201d Disability Studies Quarterly<\/i> 38, no. 2 (2018), https:\/\/dsq\u2010sds.org\/article\/view\/6231\/4910<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

39\u00a0<\/a>Eliot Borenstein, Overkill: Sex and Violence in Contemporary Russian Popular Culture<\/i> (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

40\u00a0<\/a>Russian Village Boys, \u201cSuckcess (prod. Dizelkraft),\u201d posted March 12, 2020, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=o5JxFkcVQAM<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

41\u00a0<\/a>DJ Blyatman & HBKN<\/span>, \u201cEastern Bloc,\u201d posted February 12, 2020, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=7MqS263kA84<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

42\u00a0<\/a>DJ Blyatman & Russian Village Boys, \u201cRazjebasser,\u201d posted june 19, 2019, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=yWt3Ko2R1Vg<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

43\u00a0<\/a>Russian Village Boys, \u201c\u0420\u0430\u0431\u043e\u0442\u0430,\u201d posted September 11, 2018, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=IUndsLpVx70<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

44\u00a0<\/a>CMH & Russian Village Boys, \u201c\u0414\u0438\u0441\u043a\u0438 \u0412\u043f\u0438\u0441\u043a\u0438,\u201d posted January 10, 2020, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=8TPN0x9NPuM<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

45\u00a0<\/a>GSPD, \u201c\u0415\u0432\u0440\u043e\u0434\u044d\u043d\u0441,\u201d posted May 19, 2018, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=4hV3vaO8W5M<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

46\u00a0<\/a>Luc Boltanski and \u00c8ve Chiapello, Le nouvel esprit du capitalisme<\/i> (Paris: Gallimard, 1999).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

47\u00a0<\/a>Cecilia Winterhalter, \u201cNormcore or a New Desire for Normality: To be Crazy, Be Normal,\u201d Catwalk: The Journal of Fashion, Beauty and Style<\/i> 5, no. 1 (2016): 21\u201342.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

48\u00a0<\/a>Simon Reynolds, Retromania: Pop Culture\u2019s Addiction to Its Own Past<\/i> (New York: Faber & Faber, 2011), 174.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

49\u00a0<\/a>Reynolds, Retromania<\/i>: 169.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

50\u00a0<\/a>Olga Gurova, Fashion and the Consumer Revolution in Contemporary Russia<\/i> (London, New York: Routledge, 2015).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

51\u00a0<\/a>Caroline Humphrey, \u201cTraders, \u2018Disorder,\u2019 and Citizenship Regimes in Provincial Russia,\u201d in Uncertain Transition. Ethnographies of Change in the Postsocialist World<\/i>, ed. Michael Burawoy and Katherine Verdery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), 19\u201352; Liisi Laineste, \u201cPost-Socialist Jokelore: Preliminary Findings and Further Research Suggestions,\u201d Acta Ethnographica Hungarica<\/i> 54, no. 1 (2009): 31\u201345.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

52\u00a0<\/a>See for example Tom Balmforth, \u201cMoscow’s Plan To Raze ‚Khrushchyovki‘ Sparks Anger, Confusion Ahead Of Elections,\u201d Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty<\/i>, May 6, 2017, https:\/\/www.rferl.org\/a\/russia\u2010moscow-khrushchyovki\u2010demolition-housing\u2010controversy-elections\/28471341.html<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

53\u00a0<\/a>Mark Greif, \u201cWhat Was the Hipster?\u201d New York<\/i>, October 24, 2010, http:\/\/nymag.com\/news\/features\/69129\/<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

54\u00a0<\/a>Russian Village Boys & Mr. Polska \u201cLost In Amsterdam (Official Music Video),\u201d posted May 24, 2019, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=DidEz_Tkgo0;<\/a> DJ Blyatman & Russian Village Boys \u201cInstababe (Official Music Video),\u201d posted November 22, 2018, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=7114Ojew1ZM;<\/a> Russian Village Boys & R\u00e4t N FrikK \u201cPutindabass,\u201d posted January 18, 2019, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ZLaOStTmRkw<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

55\u00a0<\/a>Tri poloski, agency webpage, accessed March 17, 2020, https:\/\/tri\u2010poloski.com\/agency<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

56\u00a0<\/a>Dina Iordanova, Cinema of Flames: Balkan Film, Culture and the Media<\/i> (London: British Film Institute, 2001).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

57\u00a0<\/a>Tomislav Z. Longinovi\u0107, \u201cPlaying the western eye: Balkan masculinity and post-Yugoslav war cinema,\u201d in East European Cinemas<\/i>, ed. Aniko Imre (New York: Routledge, 2005), 35\u201348.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

58\u00a0<\/a>Andrea Mato\u0161evi\u0107, \u201c(Auto)egzotizacija Balkana i etnografija nositelja zna\u010denja u tri primjera sedme umjetnosti,\u201d Narodna umjetnost: hrvatski \u010dasopis za etnologiju i folkloristiku<\/i> 48, no. 2 (2011): 31\u201349.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

59\u00a0<\/a>Life of Boris, YouTube channel, accessed March 17, 2020, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/channel\/UCS5tt2z_DFvG7-39J3aE-bQ<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

60\u00a0<\/a>Squatting Slavs in Tracksuits, Facebook page, accessed March 17, 2020, https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/SquattingSlavs\/<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

61\u00a0<\/a>Micha\u0142 Buchowski, \u201cThe Specter of Orientalism in Europe: From Exotic Other to Stigmatized Brother,\u201d Anthropological Quarterly<\/i> 79, no. 3 (2006): 463\u201382.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

62\u00a0<\/a>Anna Amelina, \u201cHierarchies and Categorical Power in Cross-Border Science: Analysing Scientists\u2019 Transnational Mobility between Ukraine and Germany.\u201d Southeast European and Black Sea Studies<\/i> 13, no. 2 (2013): 141\u201355; Sergei Riazantsev, \u201cThe New Concept of the Migration Policy of the Russian Federation: Revolution or Evolution?,\u201d in The EU\u2019s Eastern Neighbourhood: Migration, Borders and Regional Stability<\/i>, ed. Ilkka Liikanen, James W. Scott, and Tiina Sotkasiira (London: Routledge, 2016), 153\u201368.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

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X\u0430\u0430\u0441, \u0410\u043d\u0434\u0440\u0435\u0439 \u0412\u043b\u0430\u0434\u0438\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0438\u0447. \u041a\u043e\u0440\u043f\u043e\u0440\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f \u0441\u0447\u0430\u0441\u0442\u044c\u044f. \u0418\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0440\u0443\u0441\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u0435\u0439\u0432\u0430<\/i>. \u0421\u0430\u043d\u043a\u0442-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431y\u0440\u0433: \u0410\u043c\u0444\u043e\u0440\u0430, 2011.<\/p>\n

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\u042e\u0440\u0447\u0430\u043a, \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0435\u0439, \u201c\u041d\u043e\u0447\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0442\u0430\u043d\u0446\u044b \u0441 \u0430\u043d\u0433\u0435\u043b\u043e\u043c \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438. \u041a\u0440\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0435 \u043a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u00ad\u0442\u0443\u0440\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u043f\u043e\u0441\u0442-\u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u043c\u0430.\u201d In \u041a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u00ad\u0442\u0443\u0440\u0430\u043b\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f<\/i>, edited by \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0430\u043d\u0434\u0440\u0430 \u042d\u0442\u043a\u0438\u043d\u0434\u0430. \u0421\u0430\u043d\u043a\u0442-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0443\u0440\u0433: \u0415\u0432\u0440\u043e\u00ad\u043f\u0435\u0439\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0443\u043d\u0438\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u0442\u0435\u0442, 2005: 1\u201332.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Eastern European Working\u2010class Cultures Mimicry in\u00a0Contemporary\u00a0Hardbass Ond\u0159ej Daniel Abstract: In this chapter, I discuss the contemporary developments of hardbass, a predominantly Eastern European electronic dance music style that emerged at the turn of the first decade of the twenty\u2010first century in Russia and spread to different countries of the region and beyond. Specifically, I focus …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[68,70,73,72,75,67,66,71,69,74],"class_list":["post-1352","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-music_dem","tag-class-culture","tag-cultural-tranfer","tag-czech-republic","tag-diaspora","tag-eastern-europe","tag-electronic-dance-music","tag-hardbass","tag-migration","tag-postsocialism","tag-russia"],"yoast_head":"\n\u201cVodka, Beer, Papirosy\u201d – mdwPress<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/vodka-beer-papirosy\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"de_DE\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u201cVodka, Beer, Papirosy\u201d – mdwPress\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Eastern European Working\u2010class Cultures Mimicry in\u00a0Contemporary\u00a0Hardbass Ond\u0159ej Daniel Abstract: In this chapter, I discuss the contemporary developments of hardbass, a predominantly Eastern European electronic dance music style that emerged at the turn of the first decade of the twenty\u2010first century in Russia and spread to different countries of the region and beyond. Specifically, I focus …\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/vodka-beer-papirosy\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"mdwPress\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2022-02-24T17:10:33+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-08-13T09:33:14+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/wordpress\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/02\/orcid.png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Verfasst von\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Gesch\u00e4tzte Lesezeit\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"67\u00a0Minuten\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" 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