{"id":1328,"date":"2022-02-21T11:45:50","date_gmt":"2022-02-21T10:45:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/?p=1328"},"modified":"2025-08-13T11:35:17","modified_gmt":"2025-08-13T09:35:17","slug":"music-activism-in-serbia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.mdw.ac.at\/mdwpress\/music-activism-in-serbia\/","title":{"rendered":"Music Activism in Serbia at the Turn of the Millennium"},"content":{"rendered":"

Counterpublics, Citizenship, and Participatory Art<\/h2>\n

Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107 \"orcid\"<\/a> and Julija Mateji\u0107<\/em><\/h3>\n

Abstract:<\/b> This paper explores subaltern cultural counterpublics in Serbia in the last three decades<\/i>, through different forms of performative and participatory music activism: from radio activism, public noise, and performances in public spaces during the 1990s, to self\u2010organized choirs in the 2000s and 2010s. By referring to the concept of citizenship, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship between politicality and performance in the public sphere. Analyzed case studies have shown how subaltern counterpublics brought together aesthetical, ethical, and intellectual positions, challenging principles imposed by the state and the church. Through music activism, cultural counterpublics addressed different social anomies: nationalism, xenophobia, social exclusion, hatred, civil rights, and social justice, becoming a focal point of civil resistance, a discursive arena that provokes and subverts mainstream politics. An interdisciplinary research framework has been achieved through linking music and cultural studies with political sciences and performance studies, then applied to the data gathered from the empirical ethnographic research covering several case studies.<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/span>How to cite<\/span><\/h4>

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Dragicevic Sesic, Milena, and Julija Matejic. 2021. \u201cMusic Activism in Serbia at the Turn of the Millennium: Counterpublics, Citizenship, and Participatory Art.\u201d In Music and Democracy. Participatory Approaches<\/i>, edited by Marko K\u00f6lbl and Fritz Tr\u00fcmpi. mdwPress \/ transcript Verlag. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.14361\/9783839456576-009. Cite<\/a> <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n\n\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n
Chapter PDF<\/a><\/span><\/div>
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<\/span>About the authors<\/span><\/h4>

<\/span>About the authors<\/span><\/h4>

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Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107<\/b> is former President of the University of Arts in Belgrade and a professor of Cultural Policy & Management. A guest lecturer at numerous universities worldwide, Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107 has published twenty books and 250 essays, which have been translated in seventeen languages. An expert for UNESCO, EU, and the CoE, Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107 was named a Commandeur dans l\u2019Ordre des Palmes Academiques in 2002.<\/p>\n

Julija Mateji\u0107<\/b> is a Ph.D. candidate and teaching assistant at the University of Arts in Belgrade. Following her career as a pianist, Mateji\u0107 has developed into a professional in the field of arts management. Her research interests include performativity in music, art in public space, post\u2010memory, and sustainable development in the field of culture.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>

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<\/span>Outline<\/span><\/h4>

<\/span>Outline<\/span><\/h4>

\nIntroduction<\/a>
\nContext<\/a>
\nTheoretical Framework: Art, Citizenship, and Cultural Counterpublics<\/a>
\nSounds of Democracy\u2014Sounds of Counterpublics<\/a>
\nConclusion<\/a>
\nReferences<\/a><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div>

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Buka u modi! (Noise in Fashion!)1<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

<\/a>Introduction<\/a><\/h4>\n

This paper explores different forms of dissent and performative music activism in Serbia in the last three decades, developed in response to the breakup of Yugoslavia, the rise of nationalism, a series of armed conflicts during the 1990s, economic sanctions, and hyperinflation, as well as democratic changes and the never\u2010ending transition to a market economy in the 2000s. This period is bordered by the first mass civic protest against Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019s oppressive regime (March 9, 1991) at its beginning and a series of Ne da(vi)mo Beograd<\/i> (loosely translated: Don\u2019t Let Belgrade D(r)own)2<\/sup><\/a><\/span> manifestations and protests against the Belgrade Waterfront project3<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and the authoritarian rule of the current President Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107 and his governing Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) at its end. The authors mostly focus on music activism, public noise, and performances in public spaces during the 1990s, perceived as counterpublic participatory activist actions. The main research question is whether the dissenting intellectuals and artists succeeded in creating a parallel discursive and performative realm\u2014so\u2010called cultural counterpublics. This study is one of the rare examples of exploring and encompassing music within the counterpublic realm, given that most of the research in Serbia relating to counterpublics has been published in the fields of theatre, performance studies, or visual arts. Furthermore, the research focusing on music activism so far has been mostly conducted in the sphere of musicology; therefore, this paper is an attempt at making an interdisciplinary analysis by linking musical studies with political sciences and cultural studies.<\/p>\n

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<\/a>Context<\/a><\/h4>\n

We may say that the musical chronotope<\/span>4<\/sup><\/a><\/span> of Serbia in the 1990s was embedded in the dissolution of the country (with hundreds of thousands of people killed and exiled), as well as the transformation of the ex-Yugoslav republics into new independent states, which resulted not only in redefining separate national identities and developing staunch pacifist and anti\u2010nationalist movements, but also in rethinking the concepts of civil society and citizenship as such. While the government created a new state\u2014the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia<\/span>5<\/sup><\/a><\/span>\u2014it was set on maintaining the Yugoslav identity. At the same time, it was looking for ways to integrate the Montenegrin identity into a \u201cwider\u201d Serbian, as if it was a part of Serbian identity.<\/span><\/p>\n

The civil society was polarized between two distinctive worlds. On one side, nationalist movements (even paramilitary forces) were calling for the eradication of the Yugoslav, therefore, the formation of the Serbian identity which had to include all ethnic Serbs living across the former Yugoslavia. On the other side, the pacifist independent cultural scene, with its cosmopolitan urbazona<\/i>, introduced the art of protest and rebellion in the public sphere based on the concept of citizenship by questioning the official policies and practices imposed by the state. Oppositional intellectuals, artists, and civil\u2010society organizations\u2014often labeled as Other Serbia\u2014were predominantly excluded from public institutions and media. Consequently, they had a crucial role in creating an alternative space for civic resistance and dissent.<\/p>\n

In the field of music, the breakup(s) of Yugoslavia(s) sparked the so\u2010called music war, bearing in mind that the \u201chierarchy of musical differences that was constructed as a tool of racial\/cultural separation from the common state\u201d heavily contributed to it.<\/span>6<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Turbo\u2010folk, as a musical genre combining traditional <\/span>melos<\/i><\/span>, Greek, and Oriental musical elements (already existing in neo\u2010folk music) with technological advances and electronic sounds, emerged in Serbia in the 1990s and has provoked numerous controversial theories. However, the majority of social theorists deal with turbo\u2010folk as a socio\u2010political phenomenon close to the regime, neglecting music activism and musical counterpublics. Turbo\u2010folk has usually been linked to the pro\/anti Milo\u0161evi\u0107 dichotomy, to the disintegration of the state, war(s), nationalism, kitsch, and moral downfall. The official policy imposed by the state through the public radio and television system not only praised and promoted this genre,<\/span>7<\/sup><\/a><\/span> but also introduced the Warrior Chic iconography<\/span>8<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and presented pop music \u201cin a different, Westernised light […]. Pop and rock music became engrafted into seemingly innocuous representations of Serbian patriotism, or \u2018civic nationalism\u2019.\u201d<\/span>9<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Even though we could say that the ideological conflicts triggered by popular music reached their peak during the 1990s, this phenomenon was not unique, neither for this particular timeframe, nor for Serbia as a geographic context.<\/span>10<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The modernization of society (through its historical processes of socio\u2010economic liberalization, industrialization, and urbanization) was usually equated with the erasure of the oriental heritage targeted by the European\u2010oriented urban elite.<\/span>11<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The development of the music industry in Serbia in the 1970s only intensified this division; popular (pro-Western) music was promoted as something urban, as music intended for the high and upper middle class, while a Yugoslav neo\u2010folk (the pop\u2010folk style that preceded turbo\u2010folk) was considered primitive, as music of the lower middle class, working class, and rural population.<\/span>12<\/sup><\/a><\/span> What is more, turbo\u2010folk is to be understood only as a Serbian version of a Balkan\u2010wide musical phenomenon and post\u2010socialist trend.<\/span>13<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Therefore, theorists usually do not define turbo\u2010folk as a music genre, but as an ideological determinant. According to Mi\u0161a \u0110urkovi\u0107, there are three different standpoints on turbo\u2010folk: 1) the traditionalists, nationalists, and cultural conservatives (such as composer Zoran Hristi\u0107, singer Pavle Aksentijevi\u0107, and singer Miroslav Ili\u0107), who perceive turbo\u2010folk as an Islamic attack on Serbian spiritual traditions; 2) the so\u2010called globalists and cosmopolitans (such as journalist Petar Lukovi\u0107, sociologist Eric Gordy, and Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107) who also see turbo\u2010folk as a threat to Serbian culture, (mis)used by Milosevi\u0107\u2019s government for nationalist mobilization; and 3) the new Trotskyist leftists gathered around the Center for History and Theory of Culture (CITOK) and the magazine <\/span>Prelom<\/i><\/span>, according to whom turbo\u2010folk is just another example of \u201cglobalism,\u201d while the first two groups are considered cultural racists bothered by its oriental elements.<\/span>14<\/sup><\/a><\/span> A group of younger theorists gathered around <\/span>Prelom<\/i><\/span> has considered turbo\u2010folk as \u201cpopulaire,\u201d citizen\u2010driven, and authentically subversive towards the socialist neo\u2010folk music, even though it is controlled by the official music industry.<\/span>15<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Having in mind that the \u201cculture wars\u201d triggered by music are usually only ideological\u2014as an infighting between the advocates of different musical subcultures\u2014we strongly believe and would like to stress that such conflicts in Serbia during the 1990s progressed into truly political music activism (which will be demonstrated in the examples hereinafter).<\/p>\n

On the one hand, turbo\u2010folk as the most broadcasted music genre was (mis)used by Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019s regime as a means for holding on to power. Such an approach was excessively supported by newly established private media stations (TV Pink, TV Palma, Radio Ko\u0161ava) and nightclubs (e.g. Madona, owned by Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019s son), as well as diaspora\u2010driven private music companies, such as Gastarbeiter and refugee music markets,<\/span>16<\/sup><\/a><\/span> that soon became the significant financiers investing in this phenomenon. Conversely, turbo\u2010folk was also rejected by the democratic opposition, upper\u2010middle-class counterpublics, and urban radio stations due to its vulgarity and banality of both music and lyrics. <\/span><\/p>\n

This cultural and political polarization in Serbia was evident in the field of music much more than in other art forms. Emerging civil society organizations (such as the Center for Cultural Decontamination or CZKD and the REX Cultural Center) and few public cultural institutions (including the Cultural Center of Belgrade and House of Youth)<\/span>17<\/sup><\/a><\/span> gathered around the Belgrade Circle<\/span>18<\/sup><\/a><\/span>, Radio B92, the daily newspaper Borba, and the two radio stations that were repeatedly gaining and losing their independence (Radio Index and Radio Studio B), forming a counterpublic realm known for its performative, participative, and carnivalesque actions.<\/span>19<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

During particular periods of media censorship introduced after the protests in March 1991, and especially during the ban on broadcasting talk formats on the radio, music genres gained an \u201cinformative role\u201d (mostly Western rock and punk), being the only messenger of the voices of dissent. Throughout the NATO airstrikes on Serbia in 1999, when the Radio B92 was deprived of its broadcasting equipment, the internet had already become an alternative space for the censored radio stations and the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) to disseminate information and music, with the support of the European media activist community.<\/span>20<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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<\/a>Theoretical Framework:
\nArt, Citizenship, and Cultural Counterpublics<\/a><\/h4>\n

In this paper we would like to offer an interpretation of subaltern cultural counterpublics<\/span>21<\/sup><\/a><\/span> as a specific artistic chronotope in Serbia at the turn of the millennium that used different participatory artistic practices as the primary means of their expression and public spaces as places of their representation. Thus, we use the multi\u2010perspectivist approach<\/span>22<\/sup><\/a><\/span> by combining notions and concepts from different disciplines: political sciences and concepts of citizenship, public sphere, and urban commons,<\/span>23<\/sup><\/a><\/span> geopolitics,<\/span>24<\/sup><\/a><\/span> counterpublics and subaltern cultural counterpublics,<\/span>25<\/sup><\/a><\/span> through performance studies interconnecting body, movements, performances, citizenship, and participation,<\/span>26<\/sup><\/a><\/span> music activism,<\/span>27<\/sup><\/a><\/span> urban studies,<\/span>28<\/sup><\/a><\/span> memory studies,<\/span>29<\/sup><\/a><\/span> and, finally, Bakhtin\u2019s concepts of chronotope and carnival that are so important for understanding the counterpublic realm and its performative, participative, and carnivalesque character. At the same time, this research takes into account numerous cultural, sociological, and musical studies related to the phenomena of art and activism in the 1990s in Serbia, from turbo\u2010folk<\/span>30<\/sup><\/a><\/span> to resistance and cultural dissent.<\/span>31<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

In political theory, citizenship and identity are often perceived as antinomic principles; however, we need to recognize \u201cthe rise of new identities and claims for group rights as a challenge to the modern interpretation of universal citizenship.\u201d<\/span>32<\/sup><\/a><\/span> This was also an issue in Serbia, from the standpoint of both government and civil society. During the 1990s, Other Serbia, a civil society cultural counterpublic, was a sort of \u201cparallel discursive arena\u201d<\/span>33<\/sup><\/a><\/span> that advocated a kind of responsible, critical, \u201cpracticing\u201d citizenship: \u201cCitizenship is not an unmarked, universal status or role which can be equally possessed by all people. Rather, in our view, citizenship is a practice, and as such, it is embodied, enacted and performed through a range of actions and in a variety of settings.\u201d<\/span>34<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

By introducing the concept of citizenship in performance theory\u2014as an essential and constantly evolving component of democracy, underling its aspects of belonging, exclusion, role\u2010playing, performing, representing, and social agency\u2014Janelle Reinelt has emphasized the importance of the relationship between politicality and performance in the public sphere.<\/span>35<\/sup><\/a><\/span> That is exactly how counterpublics in Serbia perceived citizenship: not as documents confirming their ethnic identity in a form of \u201ca critical materiality of citizenship,\u201d<\/span>36<\/sup><\/a><\/span> but as a continuous practice of questioning and contestation realized within the public realm. Thus, numerous forms of alternative art were created in a dialogue with different social movements, as methods and tools of social struggle. <\/span><\/p>\n

Increasingly, these alternative artistic practices and narratives went not only beyond genre boundaries but also outside of traditional cultural institutions. Civil and student protests in 1991, 1996\u201397, and 2000 were the most dramatic (both forceful and theatrical) examples of social activism through the arts\u2014the so\u2010called artivism in recent Serbian history.<\/span>37<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

It is important to underscore that such artistic actions demanded not only reflexivity,<\/span>38<\/sup><\/a><\/span> but also \u201cinterdisciplinary scholarship, creative practice and activism.\u201d<\/span>39<\/sup><\/a><\/span> They embodied (mostly middle\u2010class) cultural counterpublics that soon started feeling subaltern due to experienced repression, exclusion, and censorship (the so\u2010called blacklists within the media and public institutions). Accordingly, the Serbian subaltern cultural counterpublic was a space \u201cwhere members of subordinated social groups invent and circulate counter discourses to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities, interests, and needs,\u201d<\/span>40<\/sup><\/a><\/span> succeeding in formulating a parallel public sphere that was influential in spite of all repression.<\/span><\/p>\n

Citizens\u2019 activism through the arts was a new phenomenon, especially in Serbia. Even though the concept of civil society as an agent of democracy had been introduced in political theory and political movements already in the 1980s,41<\/sup><\/a><\/span> cultural\/performance\/music studies in Europe introduced the notion of citizenship and the role of civil society only in the 1990s. Understandably, in an environment of ethnic nationalist conflicts and social stumbling, with Serbian political and cultural authorities clamoring for at least l\u2019art pour l\u2019art<\/i>, if not \u201cpatriotic\u201d artistic contributions, opposition artists openly started to relate their profession to their civic responsibility.<\/p>\n

Various artistic subaltern counterpublics have brought together the aesthetical, ethical, and intellectual positions that challenged the principles officially imposed by both the state and the church in the 1990s, including nationalism, xenophobia, patriarchal values, hate speech, and media manipulation. As the \u201cstrive for independence\u201d temporarily silenced the Croatian and Slovenian scenes, a particularly strong counterpublic front emerged in Serbia, aggravated by the air attacks on Dubrovnik and Osijek in 1991. Only three days after the first bombing of Dubrovnik, the protest in front of the Presidency of Serbia on October 9, 1991, spawned the NGO Women in Black, one of the key anti\u2010war organizations that has been leading protests in public spaces ever since, often in cooperation with the Dah theatre and other artists.<\/p>\n

Apart from such direct political engagement against Serbian politics, cultural and music activism were (and still are) also aimed at different global social anomies of a present\u2010day world: from consumerism and the \u201cspectacularization\u201d of society (including the festivalization of music life) to xenophobia and hatred towards the others (migrants, the LGBT population, women, etc.) as well as the denial of human rights in different regions of the world.<\/p>\n

Both in theory and in practice, the concepts of artistic participation and countercultural artistic practices of rebellion emerged in the United States of America in the 1960s, comprising community art projects, murals, underground film productions, and processions led by the politically active Bread and Puppet Theatre, as well as diverse forms of the Theatre of the Oppressed (Augusto Boal). In Europe, artistic participation was developed mostly within the scope of public cultural policies (the democratization of culture, later cultural democracy)\u2014e.g., through the process of the animation socio\u2010culturelle<\/i> in France, as well as community art in the United Kingdom (urban furniture, murals, mosaics, etc.).<\/p>\n

The notion of (cultural) participation in socialist Yugoslavia was mostly linked to festivities, rituals, or certain types of well\u2010planned state or city ceremonies. Ever since the Congress of Yugoslav Writers banned socialist realism in 1952, the direct instrumentalization of art was not so common. The attempts at dissent through the arts were sporadic in the 1960s and the 1970s and were mostly linked to the Yugoslav Black Wave film movement or the \u201cethnic rights\u201d movements of the Croatian, Slovenian, and Serbian nationalist dissidents.<\/span>42<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

In a more recent context, Patrice Pavis has described participation as an action aimed at a spectator that participates in the creation of scenic or social event, leaving behind his or her status of a passive observer.<\/span>43<\/sup><\/a><\/span> The participatory process within artistic and cultural projects diminishes the distance between a spectator on one side and an artist on the other; once only a witness, a spectator becomes a participant and a co\u2010creator.<\/span>44<\/sup><\/a><\/span> According to Pavis, with the development of political theatre and happenings, audience participation has become more political, as artists engage spectators in order to help them become more independent, self\u2010assured, critically aware, and socially responsible. As a result, participatory art practices are increasingly present in everyday life, depending on the contributions and even co\u2010creation of random passers\u2010by. <\/span><\/p>\n

Whereas participatory art projects are common in theaters and museums\u2014using the devised theatre methods, or with people often being invited to exhibit their own artifacts (as is the case with the Museum of Broken Relationships in Zagreb and the Museum of Yugoslavia in Belgrade)\u2014participatory projects in the field of music are infrequent, most probably due to the widespread stereotype that people need to be musically educated in order to participate.<\/p>\n

However, numerous philosophers, theorists, and political scientists have been pointing out the political dimensions of music. This assumption is based on countless empirical examples of both the uses and misuses of music for political purposes\u2014in political criticism, propaganda, environmental and consciousness\u2010raising statements, etc. Even though music activism may or may not eventually result in democratic changes, the political significance of music may include much more than the aforementioned explicit examples\u2014\u201cits impact on human identity and capacity, its role in defining or destroying communities, and its part in cultural revitalization and self\u2010determination.\u201d<\/span>45<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Building on Plato, Luther, John Dewey, and Antonio Gramsci, political scientist Mark Mattern has developed the concept of \u201cacting in concert\u201d: community\u2010based political action through music that has the power to mobilize people who might otherwise remain silent.<\/span><\/p>\n

Music activism is often linked to the phenomenon of art in public space accessible to everyone.<\/span>46<\/sup><\/a><\/span> As a place of social interaction, public space embodies individual experiences of coming together with other people here and now. Therefore, music in public space cannot be neutral\u2014it contributes to the place\u2010making and meaning\u2010making of shared acoustical sites, influencing people and their emotional and social behavior to a certain extent. It can also encourage communication, social interaction, and social mixing, as well as intercultural and social inclusion, in formal and informal ways.<\/span>47<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Since the 1960s, citizens have started to appropriate public spaces worldwide for both protests (against the war in Vietnam, student protests in 1968, etc.) and for artistic and musical performances. Furthermore, many cities have declared themselves \u201cfree cities\u201d (Amsterdam, San Francisco), exempting street artists from paying city taxes. Over time, the need to use public spaces has arisen from both bottom\u2010up initiatives (such as community art projects encouraging citizens to appropriate their own neighborhoods<\/span>48<\/sup><\/a><\/span>) as well as top\u2010down (competitive city\u2010branding policies leading towards creative, smart, and eventful cities<\/span>49<\/sup><\/a><\/span>). Increasingly, citizens are called upon to design their own public spaces as shared spaces of urban commons<\/span>50<\/sup><\/a><\/span> through different everyday practices of so\u2010called \u201clistening against\u201d and strategies for controlling sonic (sound) spaces as spaces of listening, as well as \u201cfighting\u201d against the consumeristic <\/span>horror vacui\/silentii<\/i><\/span>\u2014the \u201cfear of the empty\/silent space.\u201d<\/span>51<\/sup><\/a><\/span> This strict separation and, at the same time, overlapping of private and public realms (however contradictory it seems) have had significant implications on the ways music is practiced in everyday life and consumed during \u201cfestivities\u201d and consumeristic spectacles. With a foreign aid (mostly from the Open Society Foundation), the civic realm in Serbia has developed different platforms for hosting varied actors (professionals, amateurs, interested citizens, passers\u2010by, etc.), without the risk of being controlled. Sadly, only few of them have survived, such as the CZKD. <\/span><\/p>\n

Counterpublics in Serbia could relate neither to the music canonized by schools and academia nor to turbo\u2010folk or omni\u2010popular Western pop music, but to music activism mostly rooted in rock and punk music genres, aiming at social justice, the culture of memory, civil rights, and freedom. The difference was not only in the musical language itself but also in places of inscenation and interaction with audiences. Instead of concert halls and stadiums, activism through music requires public spaces and direct audience participation, while disregarding \u201cexcellence\u201d as the ultimate demand of music performance.<\/p>\n

Thus, in the last decade of the twentieth century, millions of people throughout Serbia brought their voices together as a direct reaction to long\u2010term exposure to repression, nationalism, xenophobia, devastation, and the collapse of not only the country itself but also of its common core values. By examining these voices and focusing on music activism and its role in the socio\u2010political turmoil in recent Serbian history, we are not outlining a retrospective account of all the phenomena that occurred; instead, we choose to discuss only the most influential ones. By presenting several case studies, we distinguish different types of music activism: not only individual and collective, professional and amateur, but also \u201cactivism within music\u201d and \u201cactivism through music.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

<\/a>Sounds of Democracy\u2014Sounds of Counterpublics<\/a><\/h4>\n

Following their own beliefs, members of both art and popular music elites contributed (directly and indirectly) to the overall fight for civil rights and freedom in Serbia during the 1990s. Numerous singers, members of pop, rock, and punk bands, composers, musicians, and professors in music schools and on the university level actively participated in civil and student protests, in numerous concerts of support, increasingly criticizing the political situation in their lyrics, writings, screenplays, and scripts, as well as unfailingly portraying complex relationships within the society in their own musical language.<\/p>\n

When it comes to the culture of dissent, counter\u2010discourses, and activism in the field of music, we differentiate numerous types of social and political engagement in the Serbian public sphere over the last three decades. For the purpose of this paper, however, we will focus only on those that undoubtedly crossed with more significant civil society movements, contributing to the counterpublic realm. These include:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. \n

    Concerts of art, rock, and pop music in traditional venues, with the spirit of protests being integrated into the music performed\u2014both in the musical language itself and in the lyrics;52<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  2. \n

    Direct political engagements, public speeches during the protests, and manifestations against the regime (symbolically calling on then-President Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107 to resign);53<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  3. \n

    Radio broadcasts of music as a symbol of dissent;54<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  4. \n

    Participatory \u201cmusic\u201d and noise\u2010making civic performances organized and implemented during different mass protests in the winter of 1996\u201397;55<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  5. \n

    Insurgent concerts on main public squares;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  6. \n

    Ephemeral participatory artistic actions, often in the form of multimedia performances;56<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  7. \n

    Permanent troupes and self\u2010organized art collectives gathered around different cultural platforms.57<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Musical counterpublics reflect different socio\u2010political contexts in distinct genres. As composer Milan Mihajlovi\u0107 has emphasized, every work of art reflects the time in which it is created, as is the case with the titles of some of his compositions written during the 1990s\u2014<\/span>Eine kleine Trauermusik <\/i><\/span>(<\/span>A Little Grieving Music<\/i><\/span>, 1990) and <\/span>Memento<\/i><\/span> (1993), the contents of which, as he himself admits, \u201care probably not accidental.\u201d<\/span>59<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Mihajlovi\u0107 has further elaborated on the impact of social reality on his personal poetics: the symbolism of <\/span>Memento<\/i><\/span>, for example, lies in a horrible war environment\u2014an environment of primitivism that surrounds us all: \u201cWe must not neglect the feelings of the exiled and the humiliated. We must not forget the dead. Because of this whole situation, I have been terribly upset for a long time, so it makes sense that all of this is reflected in my music.\u201d<\/span>59<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    Similarly, horrified by the war and the refugee convoys in Bosnia (especially the Jewish refugee convoys that had left Sarajevo at the very beginning of the war), composer Ivana Stefanovi\u0107 tried to translate her attitude toward these circumstances into the musical language of her radiophonic piece <\/span>Lacrimosa<\/i><\/span> (1993). It includes not only quotes from Pergolesi, Mozart, Verdi, Penderecki, Britten, and Sephardic songs, but also sounds from the streets of Sarajevo (May 1992) and Belgrade (June 1992). This cathartic piece points to the loss of the sound map of the city under the booms of cannons from the surrounding hills. As a true example of program music, it grasps the composer\u2019s outcry: \u201cFull of tears\u2014say the texts of all the prayers of the world… It is full of tears this musical prayer of mine, dedicated to a friend from Sarajevo.\u201d<\/span>60<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    There are not that many examples of explicit and visible political engagement in art music within the walls of traditional concert halls. Some may say that an individual professional (artistic) contribution to music activism seems to be somewhat hidden in personal poetics. However, even though it is perceived as \u201cactivism within music\u201d (and is therefore not easily comprehensible by everyone), such a professional contribution is of great importance since it is written\/recorded as a trace of a zeitgeist for generations to come.<\/span>61<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    In a way, a similar, yet slightly different approach to social activism within music can be seen in numerous theatrical performances and films, produced both in the country and abroad, as a reaction to the madness of nationalism and the wars. As explained by undoubtedly the most active and socially engaged composer in the field of applied music at that time\u2014Zoran Eri\u0107\u2014\u201cit is active music that is not just a mere d\u00e9cor but participates equally in the plot, and its absence would be noticed.\u201d<\/span>62<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Some of the most significant theater plays and films interwoven by his music, (directly or indirectly) referring to the atrocious social reality, include <\/span>Mother Courage and her Children<\/i><\/span> (Bertolt Brecht\/Lenka Udovi\u010dki, 1992), <\/span>Der Proze\u00df<\/i><\/span> (Franz Kafka\/Sonja Vuki\u0107evi\u0107, 1998), <\/span>Ubistvo s predumi\u0161ljajem<\/i><\/span> (<\/span>Premeditated Murder<\/i><\/span>, Gor\u010din Stojanovi\u0107, 1995), and <\/span>Str\u0161ljen<\/i><\/span> (<\/span>Hornet<\/i><\/span>, Gor\u010din Stojanovi\u0107, 1998), all of them expressing either the dreadfulness of the wars or covering a wide range of complex and appalling socio\u2010political actualities in the region.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Due to the political and social circumstances, music activism \u201cgrew\u201d from the individual to the collective (mass), from the professional to more amateur, spontaneously moving the stage from concert halls into the public space so that the impact would be more effective and efficient.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Seven<\/p>\n

    Figure 1:<\/b> Led Art collective, New Art Forum ensemble for contemporary music, and Mikrob, Potop (Flood), 1993, performance, Novi Sad. Photo by and courtesy of Vesna Pavlovi\u0107.<\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    Music activism in public space in Serbia owes its character to the programs and activities of Radio B92, one of few genuinely free media outlets in Belgrade, which gained both political and generational credibility in March 1991 when, despite the ban on broadcasting talk formats, it continued to fight against the regime by spreading its political messages through music.<\/span>63<\/sup><\/a><\/span> As a result, its radio audience increased significantly, and people realized that anyone could contribute. <\/span><\/p>\n

    In 1992, a supergroup named Rimtutituki brought together members of the then most influential rock and roll bands and musicians (Partibrejkersi, Elektri\u010dni orgazam, and Ekatarina Velika\u2014EKV) for the purpose of signing the petition against the mobilization.<\/span>64<\/sup><\/a><\/span> At first, without a permit for a public performance, they started their fight against the futility and folly of the war from a truck, by performing live on the streets of Belgrade, spreading slogans such as \u201cMir brate, mir!\u201d (\u201cPeace brother, peace!\u201d); \u201cNe\u0107emo da pobedi narodna muzika\u201d (\u201cWe do not want the folk music to win\u201d), and \u201cIspod \u0161lema mozga nema\u201d (\u201cThere is no brain underneath a helmet\u201d).<\/span>65<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Once permission to perform was obtained, a concert called \u201cSOS peace or do not count on us\u201d was organized at the Republic Square on April 6, 1992, against the Serbian government\u2019s involvement in the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its slogan was an anti\u2010war message addressed to Serbia\u2019s generals and government as a direct paraphrase of the famous song from 1978: \u201cYou can count on us!\u201d (\u201cRa\u010dunajte na nas!\u201d) by the rock band Rani Mraz (<\/span>Early Frost<\/i><\/span>), a patriotic song that glorified Yugoslavism. The concert gathered between 30,000 and 50,000 citizens.<\/span>66<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    Over four months of civic and student protests during the winter of 1996\u201397, citizens throughout Serbia gathered daily and organized mass protest walks against the election rigging, which entirely changed the profile of the public space: \u201cthis type of spatial emancipation in the city center determined rebellious freedom of movement, and as such definitely opened new horizons for street freedoms.\u201d<\/span>67<\/sup><\/a><\/span> We would agree that the streets of Belgrade succeeded in staging life itself, with sound, noise, and music having a significant role. Protest rallies advanced into a mobile sound force, often including orchestras, drummers (grouped around Dragoljub \u0110uri\u010di\u0107), trumpets, ravers, and other kinds of innovative, creative, and witty handmade noisemaking instruments. The sound\u2010base of these protests was music, particularly rock and punk, known for their subversive drive. Such a \u201cculture and art of resistance,\u201d with the use of performativity in public space, aimed at direct criticism and a change of government and its apparatus.<\/span>68<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"A<\/p>\n

    Figure 2:<\/b> Student protests, 1996, Belgrade. Photo by and courtesy of Vesna Pavlovi\u0107.<\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    These protests were not static gatherings; they were defined by walking (symbolizing the effort to exercise the freedom to move throughout the city) and noise (<\/span>Noise in Fashion!<\/i><\/span>\u2014action based on the eponymous aforementioned song), conceived as a noise production during the broadcast of State Television News at 7:30 PM, in front of government and media buildings. Obviously, the choice of institutions was not random; if French economic and social theorist Jacques Attali is to be trusted, the fear of noise is particularly noticeable in totalitarian systems, as nothing essential happens in the absence of noise and there is no real power without the control of noise.<\/span>69<\/sup><\/a><\/span> That is precisely why it is not surprising that the initiative was massively accepted by the citizens, with their inventiveness best seen in the production of noise, with instruments made from drainpipes, found objects, wires, and kitchen pots. Those who could not join the walks contributed from their balconies (by placing banners and speakers on their windows, producing noise, or throwing confetti and balloons), and we would say that this inter\u2010stimulation of the events on the streets and the facades created a specific ambiance in the city as never before in the Balkans.<\/span>70<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Over time, this noise advanced into music, culminating with the mass performance of the <\/span>Symphony for Whistles, Trumpets, and Drums<\/i><\/span> directed by the composer Zoran Hristi\u0107 in the closing ceremony of the civil and student protests.<\/span>71<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    These protests were also marked by popular, rock, and punk bands that were staunch opponents to the regime, and were not afraid to send a clear message, including Elektri\u010dni orgazam, Partibrejkersi, Eyesburn, Love Hunters, Atheist Rap, Kanda, Kod\u017ea i Neboj\u0161a, Darkwood Dub, Del Arno Bend, Rambo Amadeus, and others. One of the largest rock concerts in recent Serbian history\u2014the concert for New Year\u2019s Eve 1997\u2014was organized by the members of the student protest marketing team and non\u2010governmental\/non\u2010profit association \u0160ta ho\u0107e\u0161 (\u201cWhat Do You Want\u201d). It was attended by more than 500,000 people, with \u0110or\u0111e Bala\u0161evi\u0107, Partibrejkersi, Familija, Love Hunters, and Darkwood Dub performing on stage, with Prodigy, Sting, Harvey Keitel, Emir Kusturica, Patriarch Pavle of the Serbian Orthodox Church, and others greeting people via a video link.<\/p>\n

    Rock music has been identified as urban, cosmopolitan, and dissident music of engagement and rebellion, as opposed to the folk, neo\u2010folk and turbo\u2010folk music that was widely used for state propaganda. Therefore, rock music was a cultural vehicle not only for political changes but also for collective identity construction and the deprovincialization of society: \u201cas a genre that expressed cosmopolitanism and individualism, rock provided not only a discourse but a set of shared practices for identity construction, [\u2026] stories within which Serbian students of middle\u2010class, professional backgrounds could locate themselves and through which they could narrate their desired participation in a European civil society.\u201d What is more, rock music was \u201ca soundtrack for the story that students told of their collective resistance.\u201d<\/span>72<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    Various groups of artists and individuals (professionals, students, and amateurs) participated in the protests in many different ways, through artistic actions, happenings, provocations, performances, and interventions, mostly in partnership with non\u2010governmental community organizations. Therefore, it is not easy to classify particular actions within particular branches of art because of the conscious violation of all traditional art conventions and forms, as well their ritual form of expression and specific process of realization. Of course, it was not all about \u201cfestivity, music, and fun,\u201d as an oblivious reader might assume\u2014the fight against the regime brought people together in dangerous settings (which are not the subject of this paper). Even though they were unsafe, city streets were deliberately chosen as places where citizens could demonstrate their disobedience, intellectual superiority, creativity, progressive ideas, cynicism, wittiness, dignity, and pride as instruments of rebellion against the regime, wars, dictatorship, and autocracy.<\/p>\n

    Probably the most striking example of music artivism was the performance of the ballet Macbeth\/It <\/i>(William Shakespeare\/Sonja Vuki\u0107evi\u0107, Belgrade, 1996), produced by CZKD. Ballerina, choreographer, and director Sonja Vuki\u0107evi\u0107 and actor Slobodan Be\u0161ti\u0107 passionately and violently performed to music composed by Zoran Eri\u0107 in front of a police cordon in Kolar\u010deva Street, surrounded by protestors, almost naked and splashed by water in the middle of a freezingly cold night. It was a real example of an art performance as a medium for spreading radical artistic ideas.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Two<\/p>\n

    Figure 3:<\/b> Sonja Vuki\u0107evi\u0107 and Slobodan Be\u0161ti\u0107, Macbeth\/It, 1996, performance, Belgrade. Photo by and courtesy of Vesna Pavlovi\u0107.<\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    We would agree that the politicization of art during the protests was beneficial in two ways: not only did it help to mobilize student and citizen support, but it mostly prevented the protests from escalating to violence (though, unfortunately, not always). As rationalized by \u0110or\u0111e Tomi\u0107: \u201cit was much more difficult for the police to use force against protesters who were sharing flowers or reading poetry aloud in front of the police cordon.\u201d<\/span>73<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Unlike the aforementioned \u201cactivism within music,\u201d this is an extreme example of political \u201cactivism through music\u201d and performance, which could be considered \u201cconfrontational,\u201d since \u201cmusic helps assert the claims of the community, which are believed to stand in direct opposition to the claims of others.\u201d<\/span>74<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    Such carnivalization of a city<\/span>75<\/sup><\/a><\/span> imposes the idea of a \u201ccity\u2010as-action,\u201d which involves not only political struggle as such but also its dramaturgy and its <\/span>mise\u2010en-sc\u00e8ne<\/i><\/span>. As defined by Silvija Jestrovi\u0107, \u201cit involves the construction, decomposition, and re\u2010creation of the city through action\u2014through dynamic self\u2010design\u2014suggesting the idea of space as a palimpsest in which both synchronous and diachronic elements of the city are seen. The theatricality of protest is a strategic, conceptual, deliberately thought\u2010out aspect of counter\u2010spectacle.\u201d<\/span>76<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    After an era of fear and hopelessness, and a culture of humiliation during the 1990s, democratic changes and socio\u2010political events in the 2000s brought a culture of hope.<\/span>77<\/sup><\/a><\/span> But the sense of togetherness and community belonging was short\u2010lived. The culture of hope<\/span> was soon replaced by the culture of disappointment, especially after the assassination of Serbia\u2019s first democratic prime minister, Zoran \u0110in\u0111i\u0107, in 2003. As a result, in the following years, different artivistic<\/span> initiatives attempted to bring back the sense of connectedness to the community through bottom\u2010up artivism and civic imagination aiming at raising awareness, introducing critical thinking, as well as promoting peace and an inclusive society.<\/span><\/p>\n

    That is when alternative choirs, orchestras, and self\u2010organization as the way of operating came to the forefront. Horke\u0161kart (in Serbian, <\/span>hor<\/i><\/span> meaning \u201ca choir,\u201d and <\/span>\u0161kart<\/i><\/span>\u2014\u201ca discard\u201d) was the first self\u2010organized choir within the territory of the former Yugoslavia. It was founded in 2000 by the members of the art group \u0160kart to perform the song \u201cSvete krave\u201d<\/span> (Holy cows, by Croatian singer Arsen Dedi\u0107) at CZKD, alluding to the fact that, even after the democratic changes, specific individuals in the society were still untouchable (such as criminals and politicians). Open for everyone to join, led by professional conductors, and with rehearsals held in different cultural centers (CZKD, REX, the Parobrod and City cultural centers) and private flats, the collective was centered around the concepts of self\u2010organization, equality, social activism, non\u2010profit engagement, and unrestrained \u201cexpression of both personal opinion and of course talent.\u201d<\/span>78<\/sup><\/a><\/span> With diverse repertoire (from the socially engaged and revolutionary re\u2010actualization of partisan and workers\u2019 songs to their own songs), Horke\u0161kart performed in public spaces, village schools, orphanages, refugee camps, festivals, art galleries, museums, and markets, often wearing pajamas or workers\u2019 uniforms. Over the years, the collective has become divided: while some members had a growing ambition for the collective to become a well\u2010rehearsed rock and roll band, others wanted it to be more socially engaged. Consequently, the group \u0160kart left the choir in 2006, with its name being changed into Horkestar<\/span> (from <\/span>orkestar<\/i><\/span>\u2014\u201can orchestra\u201d). During the twenty years of its existence and through music activism enriched by humor, the \u201cHorke\u201d phenomenon has been raising awareness of the importance of both individual and social responsibility. <\/span><\/p>\n

    Similar choirs were also formed throughout the region, including the lesbian\u2010feminist choir Le zbor in Croatia in 2005, Prrrroba made of ex-Horke\u0161kart members in Belgrade in 2007, the female choir Kombinat in Slovenia in 2008, Raspeani Skopjani in Macedonia in 2009, the lesbian\u2010feminist choir Le wHore in 2010, and the anti\u2010fascist choir Na\u0161a pjesma (Our Song) in 2016 in Belgrade. These self\u2010organized collectives have been more than choirs; as creative platforms, they have been carrying and spreading socially engaging messages, calling for solidarity and humanity, stressing the importance of musical association and the (out-)loud expression of resistance and social criticism.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"15<\/p>\n

    Figure 4:<\/b> Horkestar on regional tour: Festival of self\u2010organized choirs, 2018, performance, Zagreb. Source: Courtesy of Horkestar.<\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    The wider general public got to know the work of Horke\u0161kart\/Horkestar through different actions aimed at collective mobilization, such as \u201cNazad\u201d (Back!) in 2006, with the choir performing the song \u201cBack!\u201d in front of the building of the Government of the Republic of Serbia, the Supreme Court, the University of Belgrade, the Serbian Academy of Science and Arts, and the Patriarchate of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as a direct critique of the slowing down of country\u2019s path toward European integration, as well as certain regressive occurrences in the society, if not created by then at least not prevented by those institutions. Within the program of the Belgrade International Week of Architecture (BINA) in 2014, and in direct interaction with citizens, Horkestar created lyrics and music on the theme of public spaces, aiming to preserve Belgrade\u2019s public spaces and point out their shortcomings. The same year, Horkestar not only performed songs previously censored by the Belgrade Youth Center in front of the very institution, on the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary, but also performed in front of Zvezda cinema, privatized under suspicious circumstances, yet occupied by a group of activists (students, filmmakers, and other cultural workers) for the purpose of screening films for free to citizens of Belgrade. Since 2014, Horkestar has been most socially active in support of the Don\u2019t Let Belgrade D(r)own) movement, by participating and performing in their mass protests against the Belgrade Waterfront project. Horkestar\u2019s cover of the anti\u2010fascist revolutionary \u201c\u00a1Ay Carmela!\u201d became the anthem of the movement.<\/span>79<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    As acts of social engagement and protest against the public reality, such examples of music activism and new genre public art situated outside conventional art spaces are dialogical, based on dialogue and participation, forging \u201ca provisional sense of collectivity.\u201d<\/span>80<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Therefore, we would agree that \u201cHorke\u201d phenomenon has offered \u201ca positive and unique influence on the lives of individuals.\u201d<\/span>81<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

    \n

    <\/a>Conclusions<\/a><\/h4>\n

    The cultural domain, especially the field of music, brings to the fore social and political dichotomies. Musical counterpublics have used different means to send a message and to achieve their goals in different historical and socio\u2010political contexts. Specific musical genres were considered mainstream in one <\/span>hic et nunc <\/i><\/span>and musical chronotope, while at the same time being regarded as dissenting and rebellious in another.<\/span>82<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    As the study of Serbian musical chronotope(s) in the last thirty years has shown, after more than a decade of an unfinished transition and democratic changes (2000\u201310), certain specificities of the 1990s reemerged in the 2010s, such as a disjunction of public and counterpublic realms in the field of music. Such polarization in musical circles is based on a musical genre and its status within society (public and counterpublic spheres). Even though the polarization implies that musical literacy and taste are often regarded as critical elements of social and cultural identity constructions, it does not suggest that contemporary art music cannot be heard in both spheres\u2014rather, that the manner and place of performance of a particular piece of music determine its contextual meaning. On the one hand, the official, public music realm (constructed by the public music education system) shapes apolitical performers (regarded as \u201cmusic professionals\u201d) and implies traditional concert venues for a high\u2010culture audience profile qualified to comprehend (art) music. On the other hand, musical counterpublics use collaborative and socially engaged community\u2010driven practices, advocating for the values that are not only cultural but also sociopolitical and ideological. Therefore, the subaltern counterpublic realm often imposes a dislocation from traditional concert venues, demands direct and outspoken politicality and the joint production of both knowledge and artistic practice, the reintroduction of alternative, (experimental) exploratory research and creative practices, forgotten (socialist, but also other) traditions, and inter\/transdiciplinarity, including new media, as well as uncommon ways of music production and dissemination.<\/span>83<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

    Thus, if we discuss the musical chronotopes in Serbia in the 1990s and today, we may conclude that some of the elements from the 1990s have been reinstalled in recent times, yet the carnivalesque spirit and forms of artivism have changed. Though the \u201ccarnival as the subversive undercurrent in modernity \u2018discovered\u2019 by Bakhtin\u201d<\/span>84<\/sup><\/a><\/span> was the key form of artivism and resistance during the citizens\u2019 and students\u2019 protests in the 1990s, it has lost its subversive force over time, due to its overuse by the political parties in power, organizing top\u2010down public manifestations in different populist formats. However, sparks reminiscent of the 1990s are certainly visible in the protests of the <\/span>Don\u2019t Let Belgrade D(r)own movement. <\/span>It seems that Bruegel\u2019s painting <\/span>The Fight Between Carnival and Lent<\/i><\/span>, which inspired Jacques Attali\u2019s analysis of the political economy of music, might be appropriate to denote the contemporary Serbian carnivalesque musical chronotope. Although the dichotomy (between an inn and a church as symbols of two societal poles) cannot be directly applied, we can imagine the dichotomy between the two types of the carnival itself\u2014a populist\u2010consumeristic one in the official public cultural realm on one side, and a participatory\u2010activist one self\u2010organized within cultural counterpublics on the other. Although Bruegel foresaw a well as a space for gathering the whole community, the two aforementioned realms in Serbia do not share a common space where the two carnivals could meet. As we have shown, the music sphere in Serbia is much more complicated, organized in separate and utterly different realms (value chains) that rarely intersect. Nevertheless, we dare to imagine a symbolic well, created through numerous actions forming the counterpublics\u2019 places and platforms of cultural and social engagement, such as CZKD<\/span>\u2014<\/i><\/span>Belgrade\u2019s epicenter of civil resistance. <\/span><\/p>\n

    In that sense, we believe that music activism in Serbia has developed within civil society movements to form a discursive arena of cultural counterpublics and the culture of dissent, mostly represented by the aforementioned social and pacifist movements and artistic NGOs active on the so\u2010called independent scene. These groups have been subverting mainstream local politics since the 1990s, fighting for democratic values in Serbia, but also developing solidarity across the borders throughout the region. Thus, practices of dissent and citizenship within and through participatory civic musical actions at the turn of the millennium have been resonating ever since, as the sounds of counterpublics and sounds of democracy that still have their raison d\u2019\u00eatre<\/i> today.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

    \n

     <\/p>\n

    Endnotes<\/h4>\n

    1\u00a0<\/a>A forceful and influential song by the Serbian new\u2010wave and post\u2010punk band Disciplin A Kitschme <\/i>from 1990.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    2\u00a0<\/a>Don\u2019t Let Belgrade D(r)own advocates sustainable city development, urban and cultural policies, and citizens\u2019 participation in urban development, thus fighting against the appropriation of public spaces in a non\u2010transparent manner for private interests. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    3\u00a0<\/a>An urban project designed by the Abu-Dhabi\u2010based Eagle Hills, currently transforming the centrally located Savamala district into Serbia\u2019s Dubai. The project has sparked the revolt of a large number of experts and citizens since 2014.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    4\u00a0<\/a>Mikhail Bakhtin, \u201cForms of Time and of the Chronotope in the Novel,\u201d in The Dialogic Imagination<\/i>, ed. Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 84\u2013258.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    5\u00a0<\/a>The Savezna Republika Jugoslavija<\/i> was a federation of two constituent republics, Serbia and Montenegro, created in 1992 that claimed to be the only successor state to the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (today often referred to as ex-Yugoslavia<\/i>), with its six constituent republics (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, and Slovenia, in addition to the two above).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    6\u00a0<\/a>Tomislav Longinovi\u0107, \u201cMusic Wars: Blood and Song at the End of Yugoslavia,\u201d in Music and the Racial Imagination,<\/i> ed. Ronald M. Radano and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 629.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    7\u00a0<\/a>Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, \u201cMedia war and hatred: the role of media in preparation of conflicts,\u201d Kultura<\/i> 93\/94 (1994): 191\u2013207; Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Neofolk kultura: publika i njene zvezde<\/i> (Novi Sad: Izdava\u010dka knji\u017earnica Zorana Stojanovi\u0107a, 1994); Eric Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (Post-Communist Cultural Studies)<\/i> (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999); Ivana Kronja, Smrtonosni sjaj: masovna psihologija i estetika turbo\u2010folka<\/i> (Belgrade: Tehnokratija, 2000); Stef Jansen, \u201cThe Streets of Belgrade. Urban Space and Protest Identities in Serbia,\u201d Political Geography<\/i> 20 (2001): 30\u201355; Radovan Kupres, Sav taj folk<\/i> (TV documentary, Belgrade: Television B92, 2004).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    8\u00a0<\/a>Ratka Mari\u0107, \u201cZna\u010denje potkulturnih stilova\u2014istra\u017eivanja omladinskih potkultura\u201d (Ph.D. diss., University of Belgrade Faculty of Political Science, 1996).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    9\u00a0<\/a>Sr\u0111an Atanasovski, \u201cRecycled Music for Banal Nation: The Case of Serbia 1999\u20132010,\u201d in Relocating Popular Music: Pop Music, Culture and Identity<\/i>, ed. Ewa Mazierska and Georgina Gregory (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 84.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    10\u00a0<\/a>The continuous and constant tension between Eastern-Asian and Western-European influences in Serbian music culture can be traced since the mid\u2010nineteenth century in different historical settings, starting with the liberation from the Ottoman Empire through the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (especially after the \u201cTito-Stalin split\u201d and the opening of the country to the West).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    11\u00a0<\/a>Mi\u0161a \u0110urkovi\u0107, \u201cIdeolos\u030cki i politi\u010dki sukobi oko popularne muzike u Srbiji,\u201d Filozofija i Drus\u030ctvo <\/i>25 (2004): 274\u201375.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    12\u00a0<\/a>\u0110urkovi\u0107, \u201cIdeolos\u030cki i politi\u010dki sukobi oko popularne muzike u Srbiji,\u201d 277.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    13\u00a0<\/a>Archer perceives Balkan pop\u2010folk styles as an Ottoman cultural legacy linked to the wider discourse of Balkanism and otherness opposed to a \u201cEuropean\u201d and cosmopolitan society; Rory Archer, \u201cAssessing Turbofolk Controversies: Popular Music between the Nation and the Balkans,\u201d Southeastern Europe <\/i>36 (2012): 178. He argues that there have emerged numerous different pop\u2010folk styles across the Balkan Peninsula, all being criticized by cultural elites on similar grounds\u2014including muzika popullore <\/i>in Albania, muzica\u0306 orientala\u0306 <\/i>or manele <\/i>in Romania and chalga <\/i>in Bulgaria (Archer, 201). See also Todorova, Baki\u0107-Hayden, Bjeli\u0107 and Savi\u0107; cited in Archer.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    14\u00a0<\/a>\u0110urkovi\u0107, \u201cIdeolos\u030cki i politi\u010dki sukobi oko popularne muzike u Srbiji,\u201d 280\u201382.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    15\u00a0<\/a>Branislav Dimitrijevi\u0107, \u201cOvo je savremena umetnost: turbofolk kao radikalni performans,\u201d Prelom, Journal for Images and Politics<\/i> 2\/3 (2002): 94\u2013101; Boris Buden, \u201cKad budem usta\u0161a i Jugoslaven,<\/i><\/span>\u201d in <\/i><\/span>Barikade<\/i><\/span> (Zagreb: Arkzin, <\/i><\/span>1997), 266\u201371.<\/i><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    16\u00a0<\/a>Ljerka Vidi\u0107 Rasmussen, \u201cThe Southern Wind of Change: Style and the Politics of Identity in Pre\u2010war Yugoslavia,\u201d in Retuning Culture: Musical Changes in Central and Eastern Europe<\/i>, ed. Mark Slobin (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996), 99\u2013117.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    17\u00a0<\/a>At least until 1993 when the re-\u00e9tatisation of the cultural system definitively abolished the remnants of Yugoslav participatory governance (the self\u2010government model that enabled as much autonomy from the party as cultural workers were brave enough to take). See V.K. \u0106urgus, Kultura vlasti\u2014indeks smena i zabrana. The Culture of the Power\u2014An Index of Suspensions and Prohibitions<\/i> (Belgrade: Radio B92, 1994).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    18\u00a0<\/a>The Belgrade Circle is an NGO founded in Belgrade in 1992 by a group of dissident intellectuals gathered against the nationalism, xenophobia, and politics of the war during the 1990s. It hosted lectures of renowned Serbian and international intellectuals, including Jacques Derrida, Christopher Norris, and Richard Rorty.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    19\u00a0<\/a>See Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World<\/i> (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984); Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, \u201cThe Street as Political Space: Walking as Protest, Grafitti, and the Student Carnivalization of Belgrade,\u201d New Theatre Quarterly<\/i> 17, no. 1 (2001): 74\u201386. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1017\/S0266464X00014342<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    20\u00a0<\/a>Robin Hamman, \u201cRadio B-92 in Belgrade Harnesses the Power of a Media Activist Community During the War to Keep Broadcasting Despite Terrestrial Ban,\u201d in Community Informatics: Enabling Communities with Information and Communications Technologies<\/i>, ed. Michael Gurstein (London: Idea Group Publishing, 2000), 561\u201367.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    21\u00a0<\/a>Nancy Fraser, \u201cRethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy,\u201d in Habermas and the Public Sphere<\/i>, ed. Craig J. Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT press, 1992), 109\u201342; Michael Warner, \u201cPublics and Counterpublics,\u201d Public Culture<\/i> 14, no. 1 (2002): 49\u201390.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    22\u00a0<\/a>Douglas Kellner, \u201cToward a Multiperspectival Cultural Studies,\u201d Centennial Review<\/i> 36, no. 1 (1992), 5\u201341, https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/23739831<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    23\u00a0<\/a>Engin F. Isin and Patricia K. Wood, Citizenship and Identity<\/i> (London: Sage Publications, 1999); Jens Kimmel, Till Gentzsch, and Sophie Bloemen, Shared Spaces: New Paper on Urban Commons<\/i> (a research project and report by Commons Network & raumlaborberlin, 2018), https:\/\/www.commonsnetwork.org\/wp\u2010content\/uploads\/2018\/11\/SharedSpacesCommonsNetwork.pdf<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    24\u00a0<\/a>Dominique Mo\u00efsi, The Geopolitics of Emotion: How Cultures of Fear, Humiliation, and Hope are Reshaping the World<\/i> (New York: Anchor Books, 2010).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    25\u00a0<\/a>Fraser, \u201cRethinking the Public Sphere\u201d; Warner \u201cPublics and Counterpublics.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    26\u00a0<\/a>Janelle Reinelt, \u201cPerformance at the Crossroads of Citizenship,\u201d in The Grammar of Politics and Performance<\/i>, ed. Shirin Rai and Janelle Reinelt (New York: Routledge, 2015), 34\u201350; Bishnupriya Dutt, Janelle Reinelt, Shrinkhla Sahai, eds., Gendered Citizenship: Manifestations and Performance<\/i> (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017) and particularly Shirin Rai, \u201cThe Dilemmas of Performative Citizenship,\u201d in Gendered Citizenship: Manifestations and Performance<\/i>, 25\u201344; Patrice Pavis, Dictionnaire de la performance et du theatre contemporain<\/i> (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    27\u00a0<\/a>Mark Mattern, Acting in Concert: Music, Community, and Political Action<\/i> (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998); \u017dak Atali, Buka: ogled o politi\u010dkoj ekonomiji muzike<\/i> (Belgrade: Biblioteka XX vek, 2007).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    28\u00a0<\/a>Christian Borch and Martin Kornberger, eds., Urban Commons: Rethinking the City<\/i> (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015); Peter J.M. Nas, ed., Cities Full of Symbols: A Theory of Urban Space and Culture<\/i> (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2011); Greg Richards and Robert Palmer, Eventful Cities<\/i>, Cultural Management and Urban Revitalisation<\/i> (Kidlington: Elsevier Science, 2010).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    29\u00a0<\/a>Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory<\/i> (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996\u20131998).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    30\u00a0<\/a>Sr\u0111an Atanasovski, \u201cTurbo\u2010folk as \u2018Bad Music\u2019: Politics of Musical Valuing,\u201d in B\u00f6se Macht Musik. Zur \u00c4sthetik des B\u00f6sen in der Musik<\/i>, ed. Sara R. Falke and Katharina Wisotzki (Bielefeld: transcript, 2012), 157\u201372; Atanasovski \u201cRhythmanalysis of the Policescape: The Promise of an Ecological Turn in the Practice of Soundscape Studies,\u201d Musicological Annual<\/i> 52, no. 2 (2016): 11\u201323; Dimitrijevi\u0107, \u201cOvo je savremena umetnost\u201d; Ljerka Vidi\u0107 Rasmussen, \u201cThe Southern Wind of Change\u201d; \u0110urkovi\u0107, \u201cIdeolos\u030cki i politi\u010dki sukobi oko popularne muzike u Srbiji;\u201d Archer, \u201cAssessing Turbofolk Controversies.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    31\u00a0<\/a>\u0106urgus, The Culture of the Power<\/i>; Jana Dole\u010dki, Senad Halilba\u0161i\u0107, and Stephan Hulfeld, eds., Theatre in the Context of the Yugoslav Wars<\/i> (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018); Rajko Maksimovi\u0107, Tako je to bilo 3: autobiografska se\u0107anja (1990<\/i>\u20132002<\/i>), <\/i>\u201cGodine koje su pojele buba\u0161vabe\u201d<\/i> (Belgrade: Author\u2019s Edition, 2002); Mari\u0107, \u201cZna\u010denje potkulturnih stilova\u2014istra\u017eivanja omladinskih potkultura\u201d; Ana Hofman, Novi \u017eivot partizanskih pesama<\/i> (Belgrade: Biblioteka XX vek, 2016).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    32\u00a0<\/a>Isin and Wood, Citizenship and Identity<\/i>, 4.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    33\u00a0<\/a>Fraser, \u201cRethinking the Public Sphere,\u201d 123.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    34\u00a0<\/a>Dutt et al., \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in Gendered Citizenship<\/i>, 1.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    35\u00a0<\/a>Reinelt, \u201cPerformance at the Crossroads of Citizenship.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    36\u00a0<\/a>Rai, \u201cThe Dilemmas of Performative Citizenship,\u201d 26.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    37\u00a0<\/a>Aleksandar Brki\u0107, Cultural Policy Frameworks (Re)constructing National and Supranational Identities: The Balkans and The European Union<\/i> (Amsterdam: European Cultural Foundation, 2014), 164; Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Julija Mateji\u0107 and Aleksandar Brki\u0107, \u201cMobilizing Urban Neighbourhoods: Artivism, Identity, and Cultural Sustainability,\u201d in Cultural Sustainability in European Cities: Imagining Europolis, <\/i>ed. Svetlana Hristova, Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, and Nancy Duxbury (Oxon: Routledge, 2015), 193\u2013205.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    38\u00a0<\/a>\u201cKey to performance is reflexivity: to perform is to be aware of the act of doing something, and to show doing it. Performance always bears the traces of this reflexivity\u2014it \u2018knows\u2019 it shows. Not all performance is confined to individual subjects\u2014institutions also perform [\u2026] [and] all performances are transactional\u2014between the performers and the spectators or recipients of the act.\u201d Rai and Reinelt, eds., The Grammar of Politics and Performance<\/i>, 4. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    39\u00a0<\/a>Dutt et al., \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in Gendered Citizenship<\/i>, 2.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    40\u00a0<\/a>Fraser, \u201cRethinking the Public Sphere,\u201d 123.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    41\u00a0<\/a>This initiated changes within youth political culture in Yugoslavia, particularly Slovenia, through such journals as Mladina<\/i>, Problemi<\/i>, etc.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    42\u00a0<\/a>The first book that raised such issues in Yugoslavia was Mixed Media<\/i> by Bora \u0106osi\u0107. Published in 1972, the book was praised in certain underground circles yet was never acknowledged in academia or the broader cultural public. However, it was one of the triggers for the creation of cultural counterpublics that in the 1980s included a few theaters (Glej and SMG in Ljubljana, Atelje 212 in Belgrade), student cultural institutions (including the Student Cultural Center\u2014SKC in Belgrade), and Black Wave film directors (Vu\u010di\u0107evi\u0107, Makavejev, \u017dilnik, etc.), as well as youth press and student radio stations.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    43\u00a0<\/a>Pavis, <\/span>Dictionnaire de la performance et du theatre contemporain<\/i><\/span>, 169\u201370.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    44\u00a0<\/a>Needless to say, the type and degree of participation differs from one artform to another; for example, in multimedia, even a distant \u201cspectator\u201d becomes a participant, by using new digital technologies to interfere and react without any physical interaction (see Pavis, Dictionnaire<\/i>, 170). However, such individual experience is not connected to a community, which is the sine qua non<\/i> of participatory art projects (especially scenic performances).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    45\u00a0<\/a>Mattern, Acting in Concert<\/i>, 5.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    46\u00a0<\/a>The use of public space has been changing throughout history. Squares and streets have had their social role as a stage for spectacles ever since the Roman Empire and the Caesars\u2019 triumphal returns from the wars. In more recent history, nation\u2010state representation was perfected through specially designed public spaces suitable for processions and military parades (e.g., the Champs de Mars and the Avenue des Champs-\u00c9lys\u00e9es in Paris, Red Square in Moscow, etc.). Nevertheless, celebrations of the dates linked to the workers\u2019 and feminist movements usually occur at places of special significance, places of memory\u2014lieu de memoire<\/i> (Nora, Realms of Memory<\/i>) or urban symbol bearers (Nas, Cities Full of Symbols<\/i>; e.g., Place de la Bastille in Paris, Slavija square in Belgrade, etc.).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    47\u00a0<\/a>Julija Mateji\u0107, \u201cMusic in Public Space\u201d (Master\u2019s thesis, University of Arts in Belgrade, 2009), 107.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    48\u00a0<\/a>Public art projects in the 1960s and 1970s can be classified by their relation towards: 1) the\u2014natural, urban, or artistic\u2014environment, 2) audience participation, and 3) social engagement\u2014activism through performances, happenings, theater of the oppressed, theater of social intervention, socio\u2010cultural animation, etc.; see Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Umetnost i alternativa<\/i> (Belgrade: Institut za pozori\u0161te, film, radio i televiziju, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Clio, 2012), 79\u201380. The terminological evolution from open spaces<\/i> to public spaces<\/i>, from social engagement<\/i> to activism<\/i> and artivism<\/i>, from audience participation<\/i> to citizen participation<\/i>, emphasizes the changes in approach and in the socio\u2010political context. The more that open spaces in cities were privatized, the more the citizens needed to fight for the \u201cpublic sphere\u201d and for the possibility of using common space for community projects.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    49\u00a0<\/a>See Richards and Palmer, Eventful Cities<\/i>, Cultural Management and Urban Revitalisation<\/i>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    50\u00a0<\/a> See Borch and Kornberger, Urban Commons: Rethinking the City<\/i>; Kimmel, Gentzsch, and Bloemen, Shared Spaces: New Paper on Urban Commons<\/i>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    51\u00a0<\/a> Atanasovski \u201cRhythmanalysis of the Policescape.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    52\u00a0<\/a>This includes concerts by the prominent songwriter \u0110or\u0111e Bala\u0161evi\u0107, which were symbolically organized as part of counterpublics and the culture of dissent. Another example is a concert by the eminent Serbian violinist Mateja Marinkovi\u0107 held at the Ilija M. Kolarac Endowment concert hall in April 1998, during the conflicts in the province of Kosovo; in his piece called Call from Tombs<\/i>, Marinkovi\u0107 used rhythmic patterns commonly known from the street protests of 1996\u201397.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    53\u00a0<\/a>Probably the most detailed testimonies of such events are given in the 2002 memoirs of composer Rajko Maksimovi\u0107, one of the most present and active musicians in the dramatic events of the 1990s; see Maksimovi\u0107, Tako je to bilo 3: autobiografska se\u0107anja (1990\u20132002), \u201cGodine koje su pojele buba\u0161vabe\u201d<\/i> (Belgrade: Author\u2019s Edition, 2002). Other examples include composer Milan Mihajlovi\u0107\u2019s speech at the opening of the First International Review of Composers held in Sremski Karlovci and Novi Sad in May 1992, as well as an open letter to the public by composers, musicologists, and music artists against isolation, harassment, torture, and killing of people based on their nationality, religious, or political beliefs; the public \u201ckneeling\u201d of approximately fifty composers invited by composer Vuk Kulenovi\u0107 and the Composers\u2019 Association of Serbia on June 14, 1992; and composer Dejan Despi\u0107\u2019s public speech at the Vidovdan convocation of Democratic Serbia held on June 28, 1992. At that time, the Composers Association of Serbia was greatly politically engaged. According to Milan Mihajlovi\u0107, then\u2010president of the Association: \u201cWe reacted at a time when it was critical, when our members were also affected. I continue to believe that our primary role is to pursue the profession and to promote our creativity. But also, when something that I think threatens our work happens, I think the Association should react, and no one has the right to keep our mouths shut.\u201d See Dubravka Savi\u0107, \u201cSvet nas jo\u0161 uvek slu\u0161a\u201d Ve\u010dernje novosti<\/i> (June 5, 1994).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    54\u00a0<\/a>See Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, \u201cB-92 urbani radio\u2014politika, alternativa, rok.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    55\u00a0<\/a>This includes the protests against the electoral fraud attempted by then-President Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107 and his party that erupted in November 1996 and lasted for four months, gathering thousands of people on the streets daily throughout Serbian cities. Artists contributed with their wittiness and imagination, creating a carnivalesque atmosphere on the streets, stimulating citizens to join and contribute with their own creativity. This phenomenon was documented in numerous films, including Radivoje Andri\u0107\u2019s January River<\/i> (1997), \u017delimir \u017dilnik\u2019s Do jaja<\/i> (1997), and Goran Markovi\u0107\u2019s Kordon<\/i> (2002).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    56\u00a0<\/a>Such as Potop<\/i> (Flood<\/i>), a performance by the Led Art collective (Novi Sad, October 16, 1993), with the New Art Forum contemporary music ensemble wearing Sa\u0161a Markovi\u0107 Mikrob\u2019s masks and performing the \u201cTuba Mirum\u201d from the Mozart\u2019s Requiem, and the musical Armatura<\/i> (authored by Ana Karape\u0161i\u0107), performed by \u0160kart, Mikrob, URGH! on November 8, 1993, at the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade. These two events indeed crossed disciplinary boundaries and contributed to the creation of cultural counterpublics. Not only a common denominator of these two actions, Mikrob\u2019s masks were soon to be seen everywhere\u2014on the markets, at railway stations, in clubs, shops, etc.\u2014offered by the artist himself to passers\u2010by.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    57\u00a0<\/a>Primarily self\u2010organized choirs, which are analyzed in more detail further in this chapter. Additionally, numerous events were organized by independent cultural centers and private clubs as part of Belgrade\u2019s fluid club scene. Independent cultural centers introduced extraordinary music programs: CZKD had organized the \u201cdrum symposium\u201d Prestup on February 29, 1996, a year before the drums became a symbol of civic protests (the word prestup<\/i>, meaning \u201cviolation,\u201d also refers to the leap year), whereas conductor Premil Petrovi\u0107 introduced music theater in Cinema REX and Beton hala Theater (performing Mozart\u2019s Bastien and Bastienne<\/i>, 1996; Manuel de Falla\u2019s El retablo de maese Pedro<\/i>, 1997; Arnold Schoenberg\u2019s Pierrot Lunaire<\/i>, 1998; and Igor Stravinsky\u2019s Histoire du Soldat<\/i>, 2000).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    58\u00a0<\/a>Ivana Stefanovi\u0107, \u201cSusreti sa savremenicima: Milan Mihajlovi\u0107; Posebna, tvrdoglava sorta,\u201d Politika<\/i>, November 3, 1993, 17.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    59\u00a0<\/a>Maja Smiljani\u0107, \u201cMilan Mihajlovi\u0107, kompozitor i dobitnik nagrade Stevan Mokranjac. Muzika bez predumi\u0161ljaja,\u201d Borba<\/i>, April 21, 1994, 15.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    60\u00a0<\/a> Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Umetnost i kultura otpora<\/i>, 197; Ana Kotevska, Ise\u010dci s kraja veka: Muzi\u010dke kritike i (ne)kriti\u010dko mi\u0161ljenje (1992<\/i>\u20131996)<\/i> (Banja Luka: Besjeda; Belgrade: Clio, 2017), 36.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    61\u00a0<\/a>In addition to the art music pieces already mentioned, we also single out Svetlana Kresi\u0107\u2019s Klini\u010dki kvartet <\/i>(Clinical Quartet<\/i>, 1991), Vojin Komadina\u2019s Tu\u017ene pjesme<\/i> (Sad Songs<\/i>, for voice and piano, 1992), Dejan Despi\u0107\u2019s Dies irae <\/i>(for oboe, violin, viola, cello and piano, 1992), Vuk Kulenovi\u0107\u2019s Boogie <\/i>(for piano and orchestra, 1993), Zoran Eri\u0107\u2019s Images of Chaos IV\u2014I Have not Spoken <\/i>(for alto saxophone, bass mouth harmonica, actor and mixed choir, 1995), Sr\u0111an Hofman\u2019s Nokturno beogradskog prole\u0107a 1999<\/i> (A Nocturne of Belgrade Spring 1999<\/i>, for chamber ensemble, live electronics and audio tape, 1999\u20132000), Ivan Jevtic\u0301\u2019s Izgon<\/i> (Exodus<\/i>, 2001), and Aleksandra Vrebalov\u2019s …hold me, neighbour, in this storm<\/i>… (2007). See Melita Milin, \u201cArt Music in Serbia as a Political Tool and\/or Refuge During the 1990s,\u201d Musicological Annual<\/i> 47, no. 209 (2011), 209\u201317, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.4312\/mz.47.1.209-217<\/a>. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    62\u00a0<\/a>Biljana Lijeski\u0107, \u201cKompozitor Zoran Eri\u0107, dobitnik specijalne nagrade na Bijenalu scenskog dizajna: Inspiraciju \u010duvam kao izvor \u010diste vode,\u201d Glas javnosti,<\/i> September 19, 2000, 14.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    63\u00a0<\/a>Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Umetnost i kultura otpora<\/i>, 53.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    64\u00a0<\/a>Even the name of the group is a form of a protest, as it is directed to those in power and loosely translated from an argot understandable throughout the former Yugoslavia as \u201cup yours!\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    65\u00a0<\/a> Elektri\u010dni Orgazam Official, \u201cRIMTUTITUKI UZIVO NA KAMIONU [1992],\u201d music video, 53:16, posted March 8, 2016, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=OJUyhL3dRbU<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    66\u00a0<\/a>Elektri\u010dni Orgazam Official, \u201cRimtutituki\u2014Mir brate mir\u2014NE RACUNAJTE NA NAS [Live 1992],\u201d music video, 5:59, posted March 9, 2016, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=S-TobTR5NdY<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    67\u00a0<\/a>Miroslava Luki\u0107-Krstanovi\u0107, \u201cBelgrade Street Drama of the 1990s: (Re)constructing History and Memory,\u201d Prace Etnograficzne,<\/i> no. 2 (2018), 27\u201348.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    68\u00a0<\/a>Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Umetnost i kultura otpora<\/i>, 26.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    69\u00a0<\/a>Atali, Buka: ogled o politi\u010dkoj ekonomiji muzike,<\/i> 10\u201312.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    70\u00a0<\/a>Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, \u201cB-92 urbani radio\u2014politika, alternativa, rok,\u201d 277.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    71\u00a0<\/a>Gordana Su\u0161a and Voja Doni\u0107, Pi\u0161taljka ja\u010da od pendreka<\/i> (Belgrade: VIN Production, 1996), video, 1:08:07, posted November 19, 2016, by \u201cN1,\u201d https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=Y3tQ-RDN8L0<\/a>, 0:00\u20132:50.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    72\u00a0<\/a> Marc W. Steinberg, \u201cWhen Politics Goes Pop: On the Intersections of Popular and Political Culture and the Case of Serbian Student Protests,\u201d Social Movement Studies<\/i> 3, no. 1 (2004), 3\u201329, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/1474283042000194939<\/a>, 19\u201322.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    73\u00a0<\/a>\u0110or\u0111e Tomi\u0107, \u201cUli\u010dne studije\u2014odsek: protest! Studentski protesti tokom ere Milo\u0161evi\u0107,\u201d in Dru\u0161tvo u pokretu. Novi dru\u0161tveni pokreti u Jugoslaviji od 1968. do danas<\/i>, ed. \u0110or\u0111e Tomi\u0107 and Petar Atanackovi\u0107 (Novi Sad: Cenzura, 2009), 214.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    74\u00a0<\/a>Mattern, Acting in Concert<\/i>, 25.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    75\u00a0<\/a> Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107, Umetnost i kultura otpora<\/i>, 275.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    76\u00a0<\/a>Silvija Jestrovi\u0107, \u201cGrad\u2013kao\u2013akcija,\u201d in Umetnost i kultura otpora<\/i> by Milena Dragi\u0107evi\u0107 \u0160e\u0161i\u0107 (Belgrade: Institut za pozori\u0161te, film, radio i televiziju, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Clio, 2018), 411.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    77\u00a0<\/a>Mo\u00efsi, The Geopolitics of Emotion<\/i>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    78\u00a0<\/a>Marija Maci\u0107, \u201cThe Alternative Choir as a Creative Platform,\u201d in Equal Yet Different: Self-Organisation of an Alternative Choir and Orchestra<\/i>, exhibition catalogue (Belgrade: UK Parobrod, 2015), 34\u201335. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    79\u00a0<\/a>Ne da(vi)mo Belgrade, \u201c\u010ciji grad? \u010ciji glas? [2016],\u201d music video, 2:13, posted June 7, 2016, https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=5Swh69bhW0U<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    80\u00a0<\/a> Grant Kester, \u201cConversation Pieces: The Role of Dialogue in Socially-Engaged Art,\u201d in Theory in Contemporary Art Since 1985<\/i>, ed. Zoya Kucor and Simon Leung (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 76\u201388.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    81\u00a0<\/a>Momir Josipovi\u0107, \u201cThe Trajectory of Horkestar Members‘ Social Circles,\u201d in Equal Yet Different<\/i>, 39.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    82\u00a0<\/a>Even listening to a certain type of music can proclaim an affiliation to either public or counterpublic realms; however, this paper focuses on socially engaged civic practices and not on passive listeners and particular audiences.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    83\u00a0<\/a>This claim was recently confirmed when, after two months of the global COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown, the first Ars vs. Corona music concert outside of the virtual space was organized by cultural counterpublics, including the NGO BUNT (an acronym meaning \u201crebellion,\u201d standing for Beogradska umetni\u010dka nova teritorija<\/i>\u2014Belgrade Artistic New Territory). The concert was organized in a symbolic place of today\u2019s cultural counterpublics\u2014a space of the academic cultural and artistic society Ivo Lola Ribar (named after the antifascist national hero, one of the leaders of the youth and student revolutionary movement in Yugoslavia, killed during World War II). As it seems, the public cultural system was not ready (or not brave) enough to take an action in such turbulent and risky times, while musical counterpublics and their loyal audience\u2014experienced in tough situations\u2014have found the strength to make such a significant act. Created in 2013 by the prominent Serbian flutist Ljubi\u0161a Jovanovi\u0107 and composer Ivana Stefanovi\u0107, BUNT organizes an annual alternative music festival of the same name. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    84\u00a0<\/a>Nele Bemong, Pieter Borghart, Michel De Dobbeleer, Kristoffel Demoen, Koen De Temmerman, and Bart Keunen, eds., Bakhtin\u2019s Theory of the Literary Chronotope: Reflections, Applications, Perspectives <\/i>(Gent: Academia Press, 2010), iii, http:\/\/library.um.edu.mo\/ebooks\/b28005533.pdf<\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

    \n

     <\/p>\n

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